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A Nation’s History Under Siege

Ashequn Nabi Chowdhury

As Bangladesh celebrated this year’s Independence Day, the occasion was overshadowed by a lack of acknowledgment for Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s historic declaration of independence from Pakistan in 1971. The celebration was further marred by systematic attacks on the opposition, growing concerns about the country’s future amid political instability, and a deliberate assault on historical truth. Central to this controversy is Professor Muhammad Yunus, who is now accused of contributing to the systematic distortion of Bangladesh’s liberation struggle—an act that many view as a betrayal of the nation’s founding principles.

The allegations against Yunus include rewriting historical narratives, diminishing the role of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and empowering anti-liberation forces. This alleged revisionism goes beyond academic debate; it strikes at the heart of Bangladesh’s national identity. If these issues remain unchallenged, they risk erasing the sacrifices made by millions who fought for freedom and undermining the nation’s foundation.
In this context, it is crucial to understand Yunus’s motives and the implications of his actions to safeguard Bangladesh’s sovereignty and protect its people from a looming identity crisis.

Yunus’s political ambitions: From microcredit to power grab
Professor Yunus, globally celebrated for his Nobel Peace Prize and Grameen Bank, has faced growing scrutiny over his political ambitions. While his 2007 attempt to establish the political party Nagorik Shakti was short-lived, critics allege that his current leadership—secured through foreign-backed means—is marked by historical revisionism.
Yunus gained international acclaim in 2006 when he and Grameen Bank were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Although widely credited with pioneering microfinance, the concept was first introduced in the 1950s by Akhtar Hameed Khan in East Pakistan. Yunus later popularized it through Grameen Bank in 1974.
Despite his global recognition, Yunus played no significant role in Bangladesh’s Liberation War. While studying in the United States, his contributions to the independence movement were limited to advocacy. After the war, he briefly served in Sheikh Mujib’s Planning Commission before resigning to teach at Chittagong University, where he laid the foundation for Grameen Bank.
His political aspirations first emerged in 2007 with the formation of Nagorik Shakti,but dissolved within months due to a lack of support. His ambitions resurfaced dramatically in 2024 when he allegedly orchestrated a foreign-backed ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, seizing power through a ‘meticulous plan’. Since then, his administration has been accused of systematically distorting Bangladesh’s history, downplaying Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s role and the sacrifices of freedom fighters.
Why is the history of liberation so important for Bangladesh?
The Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 was a pivotal moment in South Asian history, marking the birth of Bangladesh as an independent nation. This historical context highlights the resilience and sacrifices of the Bangladeshi people in their struggle for self-determination and justice.
The conflict arose from deep-seated political, economic, and cultural disparities between East and West Pakistan, which had been united under one state since the partition of British India in 1947. East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) faced systemic discrimination and exploitation by the central government in West Pakistan. Despite being the more populous region, East Pakistan was underrepresented in political decision-making and deprived of economic resources.

The situation escalated after the 1970 general elections, where the Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a majority but was denied power by the West Pakistani leadership. Tensions reached a breaking point on March 25, 1971, when the Pakistani military launched “Operation Searchlight,” a brutal crackdown on Dhaka and other parts of East Pakistan and subsequently, Sheikh Mujib declared independence of Bangladesh. This led to a nine-month war of liberation when the Pakistan military carried out widespread atrocities, including the targeting of civilians, intellectuals, and students. The violence prompted millions of refugees to flee to neighbouring India.

Under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the people of East Pakistan waged a nine-month-long war for independence. India played a crucial role by providing support to the Mukti Bahini (Liberation Army) and eventually intervened militarily in December 1971. The war culminated in the surrender of Pakistani forces on December 16, 1971, and the establishment of Bangladesh as a sovereign nation.

How is Yunus distorting history?

A common method of historical rewriting involves selective omissions, altering facts, and shifting narratives. Yunus, his administration, and their associates have followed this path by omitting critical events, such as the Historic 7 March, and downplaying the significance of key figures like Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. This misrepresentation also includes distorting the roles of specific individuals and groups, altering the narrative to fit their agenda of distorting historical facts.
Since coming to power last year, Professor Yunus and his administration have distorted Bangladesh’s history through various means, including significant changes to history textbooks, particularly regarding the narrative of the 1971 Liberation War.

Media reports indicate that these changes have led to a controversial shift in recognising the Independence proclamation. The current textbooks now credit Ziaur Rahman, a former army chief and founder of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), with declaring Bangladesh’s independence on March 26, 1971. This assertion is fundamentally incorrect; Zia only read the declaration of independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who made the actual declaration after midnight on March 26, 1971.
Furthermore, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s title as “Father of the Nation” has been removed, along with references to his leadership during the Liberation War. Yunus’s administration claims that these changes are an effort to eliminate “exaggerated” or “imposed” history, presenting a more “fact-based” account. However, critics argue that these revisions reflect political motives and risk distorting the historical record.

These textbook revisions have also sparked public debates about the politicisation of history in Bangladesh and their implications for national identity and education. Moreover, in recent months, historic sites and symbols have been destroyed, preventing future generations from witnessing evidence of the true history and leaving them reliant on the false narratives propagated by Yunus’s regime.

Additionally, Yunus is systematically promoting political parties and voices from groups that not only opposed Bangladesh’s independence but also actively collaborated with the Pakistani army to carry out atrocities in 1971.

Erasing History: the demolition of Dhanmondi 32

A pivotal act in this alleged historical erasure was the demolition of the historic Dhanmondi 32 house—Sheikh Mujib’s residence and later the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum—on February 5, 2025. Reports suggest this act of cultural vandalism was carried out by anti-liberation forces and radical Islamist groups, allegedly with support from Pakistan’s ISI under Yunus’s interim administration.

Damage to national symbols and heritage

Reports also highlight the defacement and neglect of national monuments, including sculptures commemorating the Liberation War and cultural icons like Tagore and Nazrul. Symbols of independence, such as the “Swadhinata Sangram” and “Aparajeyo Bangla” sculptures, have been damaged, raising fears of deliberate attempts to erase historical memory.

Empowering extremists: Yunus’s alliance with anti-liberation forces
Political analysts have raised alarms over the interim government’s alleged collaboration with extremist groups. Reports indicate the lifting of bans on Islamist parties and the release of individuals convicted of terrorism-related offenses. A BBC report (February 19, 2025) revealed that extremist groups, previously suppressed under Sheikh Hasina’s government, have gained momentum under Yunus’s administration. Key developments include the lifting of the ban on Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh’s largest Islamist party and the release of convicted extremists, including Mufti Jashimuddin Rahmani, leader of the banned militant group Ansarullah Bangladesh (ABT), convicted for the 2013 murder of a secular blogger.

Media censorship and amplification of anti-liberation narratives

Bangladesh’s media now operates under indirect censorship, with journalists fearing retaliation for reporting the truth. On the other hand, Pro-Yunus outlets actively promote narratives that distort the history of the 1971 liberation struggle. Notably, during this historic month of March, media coverage has omitted any mention of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, including the historic March 7 speech and his birth anniversary. Even the genocide of March 25, 1971, has been ignored. Yunus and his advisers have remained silent on Sheikh Mujib’s pivotal role in leading Bangladesh to independence, while collaborators of the 1971 massacre now dominate public discourse.

Why is Yunus distorting history?

Revisionism is the practice of reinterpreting or re-examining historical events, ideas, or established beliefs. It often involves questioning widely accepted narratives or introducing new perspectives based on fresh evidence or analysis. While revisionism can lead to a deeper understanding of history, it can also be controversial, especially when it is seen as distorting facts or undermining established truths.
For example, in historical studies, revisionists might argue for alternative explanations of events, challenging the mainstream view. In politics, the term “revisionism” is sometimes used to describe policies or ideologies that stray from traditional or orthodox positions.
As far as Yunus’s attempts is concerned, it appears to be a calculated political strategy aimed at delegitimizing opponents by erasing their historical contributions. Yunus’s actions are being scrutinized in the context of power consolidation.
Liberation history is a cornerstone of Bangladesh’s national identity. If distorted narratives gain traction, they might undermine the shared understanding of the sacrifices and struggles that led to independence. However, this distortion would be a significant help for the parties and the groups who were behind Yunus’s meticulous plan for taking Bangladesh back to the pre-independence state. He is using ‘rewriting of history’ as a tool for political gain. His actions to alter historical narratives would only serve to advance his specific political agendas, consolidate power, or delegitimise opponents.

Yunus is using his Nobel Prize to shield controversial actions.

Like some Nobel Peace Prize laureates before him, Yunus is accused of leveraging his status to protect controversial actions. For instance, Abiy Ahmed, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 but has been accused of justifying war crimes against Tigrayans from 2020 to 2022.

Similarly, Tawakkol Karman, the Yemeni journalist, politician, and human rights activist who received the Nobel Peace Prize in 2011 for her advocacy of democracy and women’s rights, has faced criticism for her perceived association with the Muslim Brotherhood. This criticism stems particularly from her ties with Yemen’s Al-Islah Party, which is considered the Yemeni branch of the Brotherhood.
Detractors argue that her advocacy has been selective, focusing on certain causes while allegedly overlooking others. Consequently, her appointment to Facebook’s Oversight Board in 2020 sparked controversy, with critics questioning her neutrality and accusing her of supporting extremist ideologies.
Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar followed a similar trajectory. Although she is internationally recognised for her nonviolent struggle for democracy and human rights, earning the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, she has been condemned for her silence during the Rohingya genocide. Her tenure has been controversial, particularly regarding her handling of the Rohingya crisis, which has led to accusations of her complicity in human rights abuses.
Yunus now joins this troubling list, allegedly using his Nobel Prize to suppress dissent and distort the history of Bangladesh for his political gains and reprisals.

Time to Act

Bangladesh must resist this distortion of its history. Yunus’s Nobel Prize should not absolve him of undermining the nation’s proud legacy. The truth of 1971 must be defended—before it is erased forever.

Writer: Ashequn Nabi Chowdhury, Journalist, Author and Former Diplomat

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: The prime Announcer of Independence of Bangladesh on March 26, 1971


March 26 holds an extraordinary place in the history of Bangladesh as its great Independence Day. This is the day when, in the early hours of 1971, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman made the historic declaration of Bangladesh’s independence. Despite the chaos and brutality unleashed by the Pakistani military, this declaration became the rallying cry for the Liberation War.
The Night of March 25: Prelude to Independence
On the night of March 25, 1971, the barbaric Pakistani military launched a ruthless attack on the people of Dhaka and beyond. They struck the E.P.R. base at Pilkhana, the Rajarbagh police lines, and many other areas, killing thousands of unarmed civilians, including students, members of law enforcement, women, and children. Armed with modern weaponry, the military turned the night into a massacre.
In this grim context, the Pakistani forces arrested Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from his residence at 32 Dhanmondi Road, Dhaka, and took him to West Pakistan. Knowing the gravity of the situation, Bangabandhu ensured his message of independence was communicated before his arrest.
The Declaration of Independence:
In his message, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman proclaimed the independence of Bangladesh and urged the nation to fight for liberation. His declaration stated:
“Pakistan Army suddenly attacked E.P.R. Base at Pilkhana, Rajarbagh Police Line, and is killing citizens. Street battles are going on in every street of Dhaka and Chittagong. I appeal to the Nations of the World for help. Our freedom fighters are gallantly fighting with the enemies to free the motherland. I appeal and order you all in the name of Almighty Allah to fight to the last drop of blood to liberate the country. Ask E.P.R., Bengal Regiment, and Ansar to stand by you and to fight. No compromise; Victory is ours. Drive out the last enemy from the holy soil of the motherland. Convey this message to all Awami League leaders, workers, and other patriots and lovers of freedom. May Allah bless you. ‘Joy Bangla!’
— Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.”


Spreading the Declaration:
Bangabandhu had prepared trusted leaders and organizers with instructions to circulate his message. Mr. Mosharraf Hossain played a vital role by delivering the message to Jahur Ahmed Chowdhury at 11:30 PM that night. After copying the declaration, Jahur Ahmed Chowdhury disseminated it among the Awami League and Student League in Dhaka.
Following an emergency decision, the leaders resolved to transmit the message through Chittagong radio. This station, later named Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra, became the voice of the independence movement. The message was sent from Dhaka’s Moghbazar wireless station to Chittagong’s Salimpur wireless station between 4 and 5 o’clock in the morning. From there, it reached E.P.R. stations across the nation.Colonel Oli Ahmed undertook significant risks to deliver Bangabandhu’s message to General Ziaur Rahman of the 8th East Bengal Regiment. On March 27, 1971, Ziaur Rahman recited the declaration of independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman through the Chandgaon transmitter in Chittagong. Initially, Zia announced independence in his own name but quickly corrected it to acknowledge Bangabandhu’s leadership under the guidance of political leaders.
The Liberation War and Expatriate Government:
With Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s declaration as the foundation, the entire nation united against the oppressive forces. E.P.R. personnel, police, students, youth, and ordinary citizens armed themselves with whatever they could find to resist the military.


Awami League leaders, including Syed Nazrul Islam and Tajuddin Ahmed, crossed into India and formed the expatriate government. Syed Nazrul Islam served as Acting President, while Tajuddin Ahmed became the Prime Minister. This government played a pivotal role in organizing and supporting the Liberation War.


Victory and Sovereignty:
After nine months of relentless struggle and sacrifice, Bangladesh achieved independence and sovereignty on December 16, 1971, when the Pakistani military surrendered. This monumental victory marked the culmination of the dreams and resilience of a nation led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
A Legacy of Leadership and Sacrifice:
March 26, 1971, stands as a beacon of hope and determination for the people of Bangladesh. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s declaration of independence was not just a moment in time but the beginning of the nation’s journey toward freedom. His leadership and the sacrifices of countless individuals solidified Bangladesh’s path to becoming a sovereign state.
“Joy Bangla!” continues to inspire the nation as a powerful symbol of unity and the spirit of liberation.

Deepanwita Martin, Sub Editor, The Voice News

Human Rights Violations and Islamic Extremism in Bangladesh Discussed on March 26, 2025, at UNHRC Side Event

Geneva, Switzerland – On March 26, 2025, at a side event during the 58th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), global experts and advocates shed light on the alarming rise of human rights violations and Islamic extremism in Bangladesh. The event aimed to draw international attention to these critical issues and formulate actionable solutions.
Focus on Human Rights Violations
Speakers highlighted systemic repression in Bangladesh, including enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and attacks on minority communities. Reports revealed the widespread misuse of laws to curb freedom of expression and assembly, posing significant challenges to democratic principles.
Concerns Over Islamic Extremism
The session underscored the increasing influence of extremist groups in Bangladesh. Concerns were raised over the resurgence of banned organizations, the release of extremist leaders, and their impact on national security.
Urgent Calls for Action
Participants urged the global community to hold Bangladesh accountable while providing support to combat extremism. Recommendations included legal reforms, safeguarding minority rights, and strengthening efforts to address radicalization.
The discussions reaffirmed the urgency of international collaboration to tackle human rights abuses and extremism in Bangladesh.

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio Extends Greetings on Bangladesh’s National Day

Washington, D.C., March 25, 2025 – U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has extended warm wishes to the people of Bangladesh on the occasion of their National Day, observed on March 26.

In an official press statement, Rubio highlighted the significance of this year’s celebration as Bangladesh’s Interim Government prepares for upcoming elections. He reaffirmed the United States’ support for Bangladesh’s democratic journey and expressed optimism for the country’s future.

“The United States supports Bangladesh in its journey toward a bright and democratic future. We look forward to continuing our partnership promoting economic development and regional security in the Indo-Pacific,” he stated.

The message underscored the longstanding U.S.-Bangladesh relations and emphasized a shared commitment to making both nations “safer, stronger, and more prosperous.”

Bangabandhu’s Declaration of Independence

As Bangladesh marks its National Day, the occasion also commemorates the historic declaration of independence by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on the night of March 25, 1971. In response to the brutal military crackdown launched by the Pakistani forces under ‘Operation Searchlight,’ Sheikh Mujib’s declaration mobilized the Bengali nation to rise in resistance.

Despite his arrest by the Pakistani military, the message of independence was transmitted through various channels, including a radio broadcast by Awami League leaders and freedom fighters. The official Proclamation of Independence was later announced on March 26, 1971, by Major Ziaur Rahman on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. This declaration marked the beginning of the nine-month-long Liberation War, culminating in Bangladesh’s victory on December 16, 1971.

Secretary Rubio’s message also resonates with the ideals of democracy and sovereignty that Bangladesh fought for in 1971. As the nation looks ahead to its future, the enduring legacy of Bangabandhu’s leadership and the sacrifices of the freedom fighters continue to inspire the country’s democratic aspirations.

Why Is Bangladesh’s Nobel Peace Laureate Imprisoning Journalists?

Michael Rubin

In 2006, Muhammad Yunus and his Grameen Bank won the Nobel Peace Prize. The Norwegian Nobel Committee said it awarded them the prize “for their efforts to create economic and social development from below.” Yunus’ work was path-breaking; it enabled tens of thousands of Bangladeshis to lift themselves out of poverty.

There is a syndrome among Nobel Peace Laureates in which the prize—the ultimate virtue signal by a group of five Norwegian politicians—corrupts winners. Rather than spread peace, the winners use their status as a Nobel Peace Prize winner to justify personal vendettas, policy agendas, or unbridled quest for power.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, for example, used his Nobel Prize to shield himself, at least initially, as he waged a war of genocide against his country’s Tigrayans, both in Tigray itself and in the capital Addis Ababa.

The Norwegian Nobel Committee openly said they selected Tawakkol Karman for the 2011 Nobel Prize because it wanted to normalize the Muslim Brotherhood with whom her political party affiliated.

She approached peace and human rights as a two-tiered system, however: She advocated for Islamists but ignored victims who did not share her faith. Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi won the prize in 1991 for her supposed non-violent commitment to democracy and human rights but, once in power, she remained silent as the Burmese military repressed minority Rohingya Muslims, perhaps even tacitly endorsing the genocide.

Yunus now joins this shameful group.

After Bangladeshi protestors forced the increasingly autocratic Sheikh Hasina to step down in August 2024, the 84-year-old Yunus—perhaps Bangladesh’s most famous face on the international stage—accepted the position of chief advisor, basically an interim head of state who serves following the fall of one elected government and until elections usher in a legitimate government.

Many in the West consider Yunus a progressive, yet he now acts decidedly illiberally. That he provides cover for Jamaat-e-Islami, a hardline Islamist group, as it launches pogroms against Bangladesh’s minority communities and seeks to impose strict religious diktats on society. Sheikh Hasina’s secular Awami League grew more dictatorial with time, but Jamaat-e-Islami espouses an even more authoritarian vision.

Yunus is hardly a neutral arbiter. He once considered challenging the Awami League politically, and also likely bears a grudge after Sheikh Hasina’s government launched a number of probes into alleged corruption at the Grameen Bank, none of which the international community believed to have merit. That his regime targets prominent civil society members and advocates for religious tolerance with baseless murder is morally inverse.

The persecution of Fazle Karim Chowdhury, a respected leader from Bangladesh and steadfast advocate for human rights and minority protection, must cease. Chowdhury’s real sin appears to be that his constituency Raozan had become a haven for Bangladesh’s Hindu community.

Yunus’ actions today are reminiscent of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s persecution of Alevis, Christians, and Yezidis or Syrian Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham leader Ahmad al-Sharaa’s militias recent slaughter of unarmed Syrian Alawis.

Diplomats can debate Yunus’ naivete or culpability as he provides cover for Jamaat-e-Islami and groups that openly embrace Al Qaeda and the Taliban, but they should not rationalize his persecution of journalists.

Consider the case of Farzana Rupa and Shakil Ahmed, both highly professional freelancers who often reported on behalf of European outlets. Yunus’ government has baselessly imprisoned them on murder charges and then denied any contact between them and their minor daughter.

Their case is now the rule rather than the exception, as Yunus’ government has fired more than 1,000 journalists deemed too secular for the new Islamist order. Julfikar Ali Manik, another prominent journalist whose bylines include the New York Times is a specialist in Islamist movements. He too has become a target of the Yunus government.

With Yunus following the trajectory of Erdogan and al-Sharaa, Bangladeshi civil society and journalists are in peril. Secretary of State Marco Rubio should no longer delay: It is time to slap Global Magnitsky Act sanctions on Muhammad Yunus; his Nobel Peace Prize should not become cover for pogroms, press repression, and a general erosion of human rights.

Michael Rubin
Senior Fellow

Revenue Deficit of Bangladesh Reaches Tk 58,000 Crore in 8 Months

At the end of the first eight months (July-February) of the current 2024-25 fiscal year of Bangladesh, the National Board of Revenue (NBR) has fallen behind its revenue target by more than Tk 58,000 crore. The growth rate has been only 1.76%.

According to the NBR’s Statistics Department, the revised revenue target for these eight months was Tk 2,80,059.21 crore, while the actual collection amounted to Tk 2,21,817.09 crore, resulting in a deficit of Tk 58,242 crore. In the same period of the 2023-24 fiscal year, revenue collection was Tk 2,17,971 crore.

For the current fiscal year, NBR was initially given a target of Tk 4,80,000 crore. However, midway through the fiscal year, the target was reduced to Tk 4,63,500 crore.

Previously, by the end of six months (December), the deficit was already around Tk 58,000 crore. NBR officials have attributed the shortfall to several factors, including political instability in July and August and the appreciation of the US dollar.

According to research and statistical data, revenue collection from imports during the July-February period of the current fiscal year stood at Tk 64,439 crore, compared to Tk 65,288 crore during the same period last fiscal year, marking a decline of 1.30%.

In contrast, revenue collection from Value Added Tax (VAT) and excise duty at the local level reached Tk 84,223 crore in the first eight months of the current fiscal year, up from Tk 82,402 crore in the same period last fiscal year, reflecting a growth of 2.21%. Meanwhile, income tax and travel-related revenue collection amounted to Tk 73,154 crore between July and February of the 2024-25 fiscal year, compared to Tk 70,280 crore during the same period last fiscal year, representing a growth of 4.09%.

Previously, by the end of six months (December), the deficit was around Tk 58,000 crore. Experts suggest that political instability in July and August, along with the rising dollar value, contributed to the decline in revenue collection. Research organization CPD has predicted that the revenue shortfall for the current fiscal year could reach Tk 1,05,000 crore.

Awami League Stages Protest March Rejecting Ban Demand; Three Arrested

In Bangladesh, Awami League staged a public protest march in the capital, rejecting demands for the party’s ban. On Friday, March 21, after Iftar, hundreds of Awami League leaders and activists took to the streets in Dhanmondi. During the demonstration, three individuals were detained after being chased down by BNP activists and subsequently handed over to the police. Witnesses reported that the detainees were beaten before being taken to Mohammadpur Police Station.

The arrested individuals have been identified as Laboni, a central member of the Jubo Mohila League. However, the party positions of the other two detainees, Sirajul and Raju, were not immediately confirmed. The marchers were chanting slogans such as “Joy Bangla, Joy Bangabandhu.” One protester at the front of the march was heard shouting, “Everyone, come down to the streets.”

Shortly after Iftar, a procession of 15-20 Awami League activists started marching on Road No. 27 in Dhanmondi. According to the police, BNP activists disrupted the march and dispersed the protesters, detaining three individuals in the process.

Confirming the incident, Mohammadpur Police Station’s duty officer, Sub-Inspector Shamim Reza, stated, “From what we have gathered so far, an Awami League procession was moving along Dhanmondi 27. At that time, BNP members chased them down and handed three individuals over to the police. They are currently being interrogated.”

However, questions remain regarding the authority under which BNP activists carried out the arrests. When asked whether they had

Bangladeshi Singer Nancy Faces Controversy for Insulting the Father of the Nation

Known for her incredible voice, Nazmun Munira Nancy, a popular Bangladeshi singer, has often been compared to India’s Shreya Ghoshal for her vocal talent. She has gained immense popularity in both audio and cinema platforms, with several super-hit songs under her belt. However, she has become a controversial figure in her personal life, with several accusations and scandals surrounding her.

Nancy has been criticized for multiple marriages, alleged connections to anti-liberation politics under the banner of the BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist Party), and for promoting extremist ideologies. These controversies have made her a widely condemned figure among many.

Recently, Nancy has sparked another debate after posting a controversial message on Facebook that insulted Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Father of the Nation. In the post, she shared a photo taken at Bangabandhu’s historical house in Dhanmondi, which had been vandalized and set on fire by protesting students in February. Alongside the image, she wrote, “The first Bangladesh is my last Bangladesh, the life Bangladesh is my death Bangladesh. A new Bangladesh free from the shackles of colonialism has begun.”

This post has sparked widespread outrage across the country, with many netizens labeling Nancy as a “psycho,” “anti-national,” and “a person with a filthy mindset.” Her comments have put her in the center of controversy once again.

Earlier, Nancy had posted controversial statements against the ruling Awami League and its president Sheikh Hasina, which had already earned her the wrath of the government. Despite this, she continued to receive support for her music career during Hasina’s tenure, as she was allowed to work freely in the arts. However, rumors about her personal life, including multiple marriages, illicit relationships, financial greed, and alleged substance abuse, have hindered her career’s growth.

The recent insult of the nation’s founding father, the Independence Leader and Father of the Nation, has sparked widespread condemnation. Many are now questioning how a talented artist like Nancy, who has contributed significantly to music, could show such disrespect to the country’s leader and symbol of independence.

Netizens are expressing their disappointment, stating that such behavior is unbecoming of a public figure like Nancy.

Is Bangladesh the next Afghanistan?Michael Rubin

Washington Examiner

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The smoke had hardly cleared from the Pentagon and ruins of the World Trade Center after the September 11, 2001 attacks before Democrats and Republicans began finger pointing: Was George W. Bush to blame for missing the warning signs about Al Qaeda’s plot? Wasn’t Bill Clinton to blame for allowing the safe haven to develop in the first place? The truth is both dropped the ball.

Clinton was more poll-driven than his predecessors. Afghanistan was not a winning issue for him, and so, rather than lead, he preferred to keep the issue out of sight, out of mind. Islamist groups declared their hatred for America, but journalists and policymakers shrugged at what many saw as just a confusing jumble of acronyms with Arabic and Pushtun names thousands of miles away from America. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, meanwhile, deferred to the State Department’s worst instincts to engage the Taliban. Credulous diplomats believed they had convinced the Taliban to quarantine Osama Bin Laden and shutter his terror training camps.

History now repeats 1,500 miles away in Bangladesh. In August 2024, protestors forced the resignation of longtime Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the daughter of Bangladesh’s founding leader and one of the first female leaders of a Muslim country. Sheikh Hasina had grown increasingly autocratic with time and students especially were happy to see her go.

It did not take long for most Bangladeshis to understand that the devil they knew was far better than what came next. Muhammad Yunus, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006 for his work allowing the poor to access credit, and perhaps the most famous Bangladeshi on the world stage, supported the protestors. Upon their victory, they repaid the favor and appointed the 84-year-old Yunus “chief administrator,” basically an interim president. Perhaps Yunus allowed his political grievances to blind him or perhaps ego got the better of him, but today he provides cover for what increasingly is an Islamist and terror-embracing government.

Jamaat-e-Islami, the country’s largest Islamist party whose Pakistani offshoot is one of that country’s most radical parties, is quickly consolidating control over Bangladesh. In the first weeks following the ouster of Sheikh Hasina and her secular Awami League, Jamaat-e-Islami staged pogroms against religious minorities and prominent liberals. It openly seeks to convert Hindus and Christians under threat of death. Today, with Bangladesh outside the headlines, at least in the West, it is transforming the country of 175 million people into a safe haven for a number of terrorist groups, many of which make Al Qaeda look positively liberal.

Just as their counterparts a quarter century ago, American journalists and national security officials have difficulty sorting through rapidly proliferating Islamist groups. There is Harakat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami-Bangladesh, for example, that strengthens its links to Pakistan-sponsored terror groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba, the group responsible for the 2008 Mumbai Attacks. Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh uses its new safe-haven to plot attacks against India. An offshoot, Neo-Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh, recruits fighters to supplement the Islamic State in Syria, and targets not only religious minorities but also foreigners inside Bangladesh.

The new Bangladeshi regime has also sprung Hizb-ut-Tahrir and Khelafat-e-Majlis terrorists from prison.

Bangladesh today is like Afghanistan in 2000. Khelafat-e-Majlis, Allah’r Dal, and Ahle Hadith Andolon Bangladesh now coalesce under Heefazat-e-Islam to establish Islamic law throughout Bangladesh under the banner, “Bangladesh will become Afghanistan, and we will become Taliban.”

Bin Laden could rain terror upon New York and Washington because both Clinton and Bush dropped the ball. Joe Biden and Donald Trump now revise those roles by ignoring Bangladesh’s rapid descent into a terrorist hell. The chief difference is that a terror base in Bangladesh could be more dangerous for two reasons. First, Bangladesh is one of the world’s densest countries. Targeting terrorists in caves and mountains is tough; routing them out from urban slums is exponentially more difficult. Second, while Afghanistan was landlocked, Bangladesh borders the world’s most populous country and has an outlet to the sea.

It is time to designate and shut down the Islamic State’s new emirate before it further

Tulip Siddiq Denounces “False and Vexatious” Corruption Allegations from Bangladesh’s ACC

Tulip Siddiq has accused the Bangladeshi authorities of a “targeted and baseless” campaign against her, insisting that all allegations of corruption are “false and vexatious”.
Siddiq, who resigned from the UK government amid scrutiny over her links to her aunt, Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh’s deposed prime minister, questioned why the Bangladeshi government had briefed the media but had not put any allegations to her directly.
In a letter to the country’s Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), Siddiq’s lawyers claimed that its methods were an “unacceptable attempt to interfere with UK politics”.
The ACC is examining claims that Hasina and her family misappropriated billions of pounds of state money. It has named Siddiq in three of its inquiries, accusing her of benefiting from a nuclear power plant deal with Russia; of being involved in land grabs in Dhaka; and of money laundering.
While Siddiq, the MP for Hampstead & Highgate, has always denied all wrongdoing, the legal letter is her first significant response since resigning as anti-corruption minister in January.
She quit after Sir Laurie Magnus, Sir Keir Starmer’s adviser on ministerial standards, found her family’s links with the ousted regime exposed the government to “reputational risks”. Starmer, a close friend, has suggested she might return to government in the future.
The letter to the ACC, from Siddiq’s lawyers, Stephenson Harwood, emphasises: “At no point have any allegations been put to her fairly, properly and transparently, or indeed at all, by the ACC or anyone else with proper authority on behalf of the Bangladeshi government. We require that you immediately stop manufacturing false and vexatious allegations against Ms Siddiq and further media briefings and public comments designed to harm her reputation.” The letter cites four allegations put into the public domain by the ACC, via the media, and sets out Siddiq’s rebuttal of each one. They include the ACC’s investigation­ into Siddiq allegedly brokering and benefiting from a deal with Russia in 2013 over a nuclear power plant, from which Hasina is accused of embezzling billions. The ACC has said that it is investigating whether Siddiq’s £700,000 flat in London had been bought with misappropriated funds.
Siddiq’s lawyers say the King’s Cross flat was a gift from Abdul Motalif, her godfather, who has links to Hasina’s party the Awami League, in 2004. The lawyers added that it is “absurd” to suggest the property could be the fruits of embezzlement from a deal that did not exist.
The power plant deal was agreed a decade later. They added that Siddiq had “no involvement in the agreement”, although she had travelled to Moscow, posing for a picture with President Putin. The letter states that “it is not uncommon for family members to be invited to accompany heads of state on state visits”, adding that she spent most of the day sightseeing and was not involved in official discussions. Siddiq cites a press release from Russia’s embassy in Bangladesh that contains an “explanation of the funding arrangements”.
Siddiq also refutes claims that she used her influence to secure plots in the diplomatic zone of Dhaka and says she has never had land there. The issue has been “artificially wrongly and nonsensically conflated” with what they say is her legitimate and lawful transfer of a flat elsewhere in Dhaka to her sister. The letter notes that a government agency interested in investigating uses “proper processes, procedures and practices for establishing facts”, adding that the ACC had not done so. The ACC insisted its work was based “absolutely on documents and ground realities”.
The ACC’s chairman, Mohammad­ Abdul Momen, said: “All allegations raised against Ms Siddiq will be proven in any court, including the ones in the United Kingdom.
“I spent a few years in the UK for my Masters [degree] and PhD, I know the standard they maintain in governance and political choices.”
Momen added that Starmer leaving the door open for Siddiq’s future return had “lowered the perceived standard of a British premier”.
“He did injustice to and defamed the name Kier Hardie, the founder of the Labour Party, from whom his parents had said to have drawn his name. As Britain is a frontrunner of democracy I expect a British Premier to be a role model for the world,” he said.