HomeBlogPage 419

Bangladesh at a Crossroads: The Rise of Religious Conservatism Amid Political Transition

As Bangladesh undergoes a major political shift following the fall of its long-standing authoritarian government, a growing wave of religious conservatism is emerging in the political vacuum. Islamist hard-liners, emboldened by the changing landscape, are pushing for stricter religious governance, raising concerns about the country’s secular fabric and democratic future.

A Shift Toward Religious Conservatism

Religious fundamentalists have begun asserting control over public and private life, particularly targeting women. In one town, young women were banned from playing soccer, while in another, extremists forced police to release a man who harassed a woman for not covering her hair. More radical calls have followed, including demands for the death penalty for those accused of disrespecting Islam and public rallies advocating for an Islamic caliphate.

This rise of fundamentalist influence challenges Bangladesh’s longstanding secular identity. Several Islamist parties and organizations—some of which were previously banned—have resurfaced, openly advocating for an Islamic government that enforces religious-based morality and governance. Political analysts warn that the new Constitution, currently being drafted, may abandon secularism in favor of a more religiously defined state structure.

Challenges for Women and Minorities

The fundamentalist wave has been particularly troubling for women and religious minorities. Many female activists who participated in the protests that led to the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government now find themselves marginalized. Hindu communities and minority Muslim sects, such as the Ahmadiyya, have also faced increased persecution, including violent attacks on places of worship.

The interim government, led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, has struggled to balance democratic openness with countering extremist influences. While Yunus’ administration seeks to protect free speech and protest rights, critics argue that it has not taken a firm enough stance against radical elements. Additionally, law enforcement remains weak, with a demoralized police force and tensions between the military and student-led movements pushing for accountability.

Regional Parallels and Political Uncertainty

Bangladesh’s current trajectory mirrors broader trends in South Asia, where religious extremism has reshaped political and social structures. Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, and Myanmar have all seen religious ideologies play an increasing role in governance and social policy, raising fears that Bangladesh may follow a similar path.

Despite these concerns, some observers remain hopeful. Bangladesh’s strong tradition of cultural diversity, intellectual debate, and a thriving economy—where women make up 37% of the formal workforce—may act as counterbalances to extremist influence. Any efforts to restrict women’s rights could provoke significant backlash, especially in sectors like the garment industry, which relies heavily on female labor.

The Role of Islamist Political Parties

While smaller extremist groups are actively challenging the status quo, mainstream Islamist parties like Jamaat-e-Islami see the shifting landscape as an opportunity. Although unlikely to win an election in the near future, Jamaat is positioning itself as a major political player by capitalizing on public dissatisfaction with secular parties. The party’s leaders advocate for an Islamic welfare state modeled after Turkey, claiming they support women’s participation in society within an Islamic framework.

Local Religious Restrictions Gain Ground

The growing influence of religious hard-liners has had tangible effects on everyday life. In the farming town of Taraganj, an attempt to hold a women’s soccer match was blocked by a local mosque leader, Ashraf Ali, who deemed the event inappropriate. Under pressure, local authorities canceled the game and imposed a curfew. When organizers rescheduled the match under heavy security, they were forced to modify players’ uniforms to comply with conservative expectations.

Ali’s influence extends beyond sports. He has long led efforts against the Ahmadiyya Muslim community, seeking to drive them out of the region. Following the collapse of Hasina’s government, attacks on minority religious sites surged, leaving communities in fear. The Ahmadiyya prayer hall remains damaged, and worshipers face ongoing restrictions, including bans on public religious expressions.

The Uncertain Road Ahead

As Bangladesh navigates this period of political transition, the battle between secular and religious forces will shape its future. The drafting of a new Constitution, the role of Islamist parties in upcoming elections, and the resilience of civil society will determine whether the country maintains its secular foundation or shifts toward a more theocratic model.

With a strong cultural identity, economic stakes, and a history of progressive movements, Bangladesh stands at a crossroads. The choices made in the coming months will not only define its governance but also the freedoms and rights of millions of its citizens.

Are Farzana Rupa, Shakil Ahmed, and Other Seasoned Journalists’ Cases Finally Getting Congressional Attention?

In a significant development for press freedom and human rights advocacy, the cases of Bangladeshi journalists Farzana Rupa and Shakil Ahmed have garnered attention from the U.S. Congress. The growing international concern underscores the challenges faced by journalists in Bangladesh and highlights the broader struggle for press freedom in the region.

Since the ouster of Sheikh Hasina, figurehead leader Yunus has been on the warpath, 1000 who lost their jobs, around 300 have been accused of murder and like close to 30 journalists imprisoning, including Farzana Rupa and Shakil Ahmed, to ensure he can operate absent accountability. Whether due to his own rivalry with Sheikh Hasina or ideology, he has unleashed Jamaat-e-Islami terrorism across Bangladesh and sprung local al Qaeda affiliates from prison. Minorities are terrified. Yunus and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami now conspire to outlaw the Awami League. True, Sheikh Hasina strayed toward the autocratic in recent years, but outlawing the strongest and most popular secular party in the country shows disdain for democracy.

Background of the Cases

Farzana Rupa, a senior investigative journalist known for her fearless reporting on corruption and governance issues, has faced repeated harassment and legal intimidation. Reports suggest that she has been subjected to surveillance, online threats, and legal action designed to suppress her journalistic work.

Similarly, Shakil Ahmed, a broadcast journalist, has faced significant professional and personal consequences for his critical reporting on political affairs. Allegations of state-led suppression, including arbitrary detention and censorship, have raised alarms among international media watchdogs.

Congressional Intervention

A group of U.S. lawmakers, particularly those advocating for press freedom and human rights, have expressed their concern over the deteriorating conditions for journalists in Bangladesh. Congressional members have raised these cases in hearings and discussions on global press freedom, urging the U.S. State Department to address the issue through diplomatic channels.

In a recent statement, a senior U.S. legislator emphasized the importance of safeguarding journalists and called for an impartial investigation into the allegations of harassment against Rupa and Ahmed. The statement also urged the Bangladeshi government to uphold democratic values and ensure a free press.

International Reactions

Farzana Rupa & Shakil Ahmed’s Cases Gain Congressional Attention international human rights and press freedom organizations, including the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and Reporters Without Borders (RSF), have echoed concerns about the safety of journalists in Bangladesh. They have called for global solidarity and intervention to protect reporters facing threats.

Amnesty International has also weighed in, urging Bangladeshi authorities to guarantee a safe environment for journalists and to end the misuse of legal tools to silence dissenting voices.

Bangladesh’s Response

The Bangladeshi government has yet to issue an official response regarding the congressional attention. However, officials have previously maintained that press freedom is protected in the country and that any legal actions taken against journalists are in accordance with national laws.

What’s Next?

With growing congressional involvement, the issue is likely to be raised in diplomatic engagements between the U.S. and Bangladesh. Advocacy groups continue to push for stronger international pressure to ensure accountability and the protection of press freedom.

As the cases of Farzana Rupa and Shakil Ahmed gain international traction, the global community will be watching closely to see how Bangladesh addresses concerns regarding journalistic freedom and human rights.

Bangladesh to Trial Starlink Internet Services on April 9

Dhaka, Bangladesh – Tech billionaire Elon Musk’s satellite internet service, Starlink, is set to conduct its first trial run in Bangladesh on April 9. The demonstration will take place at the InterContinental Dhaka during the opening day of the International Investment Conference.
The trial aims to showcase Starlink’s potential to provide high-speed and uninterrupted internet connectivity, particularly in remote and underserved areas. Chowdhury Ashik Mahmud Bin Harun, Executive Chairman of the Bangladesh Investment Development Authority (BIDA), announced the initiative during a press conference at the Foreign Service Academy.
The government plans to fully implement Starlink’s services within 90 days of the trial, marking a significant step toward enhancing the country’s digital infrastructure. The conference, running from April 7 to April 10, will focus on investment opportunities in sectors such as renewable energy, healthcare, and the digital economy.
While Elon Musk is not expected to attend the event, the trial run is seen as a promising start for Starlink’s operations in Bangladesh. The inauguration ceremony will be streamed live on social media using Starlink’s network.

Designate Bangladesh’s Jamaat-e-Islami as a Foreign Terrorist Organization

Michael Rubin

Violent protesters in Bangladesh on Aug. 5 forced the ouster of Sheikh Hasina, the country’s longtime prime minister, Awami League politician, and daughter of Bangladesh’s founding father. After Sheikh Hasina fled for her life (she never technically resigned), the protesters appointed Nobel Peace Laureate Muhammad Yunus to act as Bangladesh’s interim administrator.

While the protesters described their actions as organic, foreign interests and political parties that enjoy external support appear to have co-opted, if not crafted, the protests that snowballed across the country.

At issue is Jamaat-e-Islami, a hard-line Islamist group intricately tied to terrorism. The roots of Jamaat-e-Islami date to 1941. The Muslim Brotherhood inspired its founder, Syed Abul Ala Maududi, to reject both the West and liberal democracy in favor of a far more conservative Islamist approach.

Just as the Muslim Brotherhood spawned terrorist groups such as Hamas, Gama’a Islamiyya (which killed Egyptian President Anwar Sadat), and al Qaeda, Jamaat-e-Islami also spun off terrorist groups across South Asia such as Jaysh-i-Muhammad, Harkat-ul-Mujahidin, and Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.

Within Bangladesh, Jamaat-e-Islami was particularly brutal. It was intimately involved in the 1971 Bangladesh genocide that killed up to 3 million. For this reason, many Bangladeshis consider Jamaat-e-Islami members to be war criminals. Indeed, Jamaat-e-Islami became just the second political party after Adolf Hitler’s Nazi Party to face an international tribunal for its crimes. Nevertheless, Jamaat-e-Islami still receives active support from Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence agency, the same group that helped hide al Qaeda leader Osama Bin Laden and sponsored the Taliban insurgency.

Since the ouster of Sheikh Hasina, figurehead leader Yunus has been on the warpath, imprisoning more than 1,000 journalists, including Farzana Rupa and Shakil Ahmed, to ensure he can operate absent accountability. Whether due to his own rivalry with Sheikh Hasina or ideology, he has unleashed Jamaat-e-Islami terrorism across Bangladesh and sprung local al Qaeda affiliates from prison. Minorities are terrified. Yunus and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami now conspire to outlaw the Awami League. True, Sheikh Hasina strayed toward the autocratic in recent years, but outlawing the strongest and most popular secular party in the country shows disdain for democracy.

Too often, American policymakers and diplomats understand terrorism through the lens of grievance. They assume occupation, poverty, or a lack of education motivates terrorism. This can be comforting to diplomats because it means diplomats can assemble a magic formula of incentives to resolve problems. What Jamaat-e-Islami represents, however, is the rise of ideologically driven terrorism. Jamaat-e-Islami activists support the 2008 Mumbai bombers, the murder of minorities, and al Qaeda offshoots because the extremist group’s ideology demands it.

The United States, the Western world, and South Asia must calibrate their diplomacy and policy to reality rather than wishful thinking. Jamaat-e-Islami may hide its true self in the effeteness of the 84-year-old Yunus, but the reality of its vision has much more to do with the Taliban, cave-dwelling al Qaeda terrorists, and the Islamic State.

To judge Jamaat-e-Islami by both its friends and its actions is to come to a singular conclusion: In both Pakistan and Bangladesh, Jamaat-e-Islami is a terrorist organization. The State Department should designate it as a foreign terrorist organization. The secretary of the treasury should also designate the group’s assets and property under Executive Order 13224, which President George W. Bush signed after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.

Terrorism left to fester snowballs. In Bangladesh, it has found fertile ground. Rather than normalize a group guilty of genocide and empowering al Qaeda, President Donald Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio should reverse the neglect and ideological naivete of President Joe Biden and Secretary of State Antony Blinken and designate Jamaat-e-Islami for what it is: a terrorist group as deadly and ideologically driven as Hamas or al Qaeda.

Michael Rubin
Senior Fellow

NGO Government in Bangladesh and why?

Shamima Choudhury

When General el-Sisi usurped powers in Egypt, he banned all NGO (non-government organisations) activities in Egypt. A visiting American diplomat who himself was a member of an NGO asked him why he banned all NGOs, President Abdul Fattah el-Sisi’s reply was very quick. He said, “Ask your own government” . It was learned that the US government itself advised Gen. El-Sisi to kick out all the foreign NGOs from Egypt and he did. A few of them made little noise but soon it stopped. President el-Sisi was successful in stopping the rise of street violence.

In fact, President el-Sisi banned all NGOs as he was reported that these NGOs could mobilize support for the ousted President Mohamed Morsi, leader of the Muslim Brotherhood Party to regain his control. Muslim Brotherhood Party was banned in Egypt for years but when it was legalized in 2011 it gained a lot of support and by 2013 it elected its own man, Mohamed Morsi as the President of Egypt. However, when the Arab Spring erupted in Egypt, and NGOs mobilized its supporters, President Morsi was overthrown.

The NGOs of Egypt played a quiet but significant role during the Arab Spring. They were funded by foreign governments and they mobilized support for the ouster of President Morsi who was taking one after another decisions that hurt the Western interests. But soon a few of these NGOs realized that they had done a disservice to the Muslim Brotherhood, they started regrouping and reorganizing and this time, to overthrow President el-Sisi. Gen. Sisi quickly banned them and also he seized all their activities, accounts and operations.

Bangladesh is a land of NGOs and there are thousands of NGOs in Bangladesh. Many of them are foreign funded. It is needless to mention that the world’s largest NGO is in Bangladesh also. It is none other than the world famous, BRAC. It has operations in nearly 28 countries from Asia to Africa and beyond. These NGOs always get government support and therefore, they have become big business conglomerates. Their activities not only are confined in helping the poor and the destitute people but they are also engaged in big businesses. They have set up modern chain stores, factories, offices all across the country, training centers, they lend credits to varieties of people and institutions, and they have established universities, hospitals, and even they own banks and insurance companies. They are, in fact, diversified big business conglomerates.

Although their foreign funding as per law is supposed to be reported to the government, i.e. the NGO Bureau but normally by paying bribes they manage to keep their funding undisclosed.

President Donald Trump in a recent disclosure mentioned about two unknown NGOs of Bangladesh that received a $29 million US-AID fund for promoting democracy in Bangladesh, but the nation’s Finance Adviser Salehuddin Ahmed claimed that there is no record of those funds with the NGO Bureau. President Trump further added that those NGOs were small entities, a two-men shop. There is speculation that these could be the “Bela” of Rizwana Hasan and the “Adiker” of advocate Adilur Rahman. They both are the powerful members of the Yunus cabinet. A few, however , speculate that Dr. Badiul Alam Majumder, an American citizen who heads an organization titled “Sujan”, an organisation to promote democracy might be a beneficiary. However, none of them yet denied receiving funds. At present, Dr. Badiul Alam Majumder is the Chairperson of the Election Reform Committee of Dr. M. Yunus. The Yunus media wing however termed President Trump as a liar.

Many NGOs which are foreign-funded hardly report their budget, their income and expenditure, their programs, etc. to the government. For example, since 2014, the Adiker, an NGO that is engaged in human rights issues never reported their incomes and expenditures to the government. He could avoid such reporting as he had strong support from the USA government, particularly former US Ambassador Peter Haas. Currently he is a Powerful adviser to the Dr. M. Yunus cabinet.

During the last flood, a few governments plus many foreign institutions and individuals reportedly donated relief funds to the NGOs for helping the flood victims. The British government claimed that they donated lots of funds to the flood victims in greater Sylhet area. But neither the flood affected people, nor the government officials like DCs or Commissioners or the staff of the Relief & Disaster Ministry involved in distributing or managing flood relief materials in greater Sylhet could remember or have any record of the British assistance in Sylhet. However, they only could tell that ActionAid, a British NGO organized a couple of workshops and seminars on floods in big hotels in Sylhet when the flood was over. They did not help the flood victims.

After a thorough investigation, it was revealed that many labor leaders in the tea industry in the greater Sylhet area, the home of the tea industry, were provided with some funding to organize rallies to demand higher pay and benefits from the Bangladesh government. So it appears that the foreign funds were directed to labor leaders for the uprising.

During the July-August uprising in Bangladesh along with the students those who bravely faced the onslaught of the police firing were mostly young boys and unemployed teenagers and street urchins mostly of slumps. They generally live in nearby slumps or/and on the streets. There are many slumps in the city. They were reportedly paid handsomely by the NGOs to continue to demonstrate against the Sheikh Hasina government. Many young boys from the slumps of the Behari camps took the leadership role during the July-August anti-discrimination uprising.

Therefore, when Dr. Yunus formed his interim government, whom he picked up as his advisers? Most of his cabinet members are NGO leaders who assisted the uprising. No wonder, his government is popularly known as an NGO government.

Nobel Laureate Dr. Yunus knows the power of money as his own business is making money by lending money. He lends small loans as credits at high interest rates and as a result, those who once take credit from his Grameen Bank can never get out of debt. Many of his borrowers committed suicide as they were overwhelmed with the burden of debts.

Since he knows that financing can mobilize the poor people of slumps, his government is now trying to wipe out slumps by burning them down. A few super active slumps have recently been burned down forcing its residents to move outside the capital city. Col. Taher, an old friend of Gen. Ziaur Rahman who rescued him from captivity in 1975 was hanged by a kangaroo court of Gen. Zia as he was reportedly a revolutionary. Will Dr. Yunus stop NGO funding as they could be a vehicle of mass agitations against the interim government?

Radio Free Asia to Shut Down by End of April Without Court Intervention

Radio Free Asia (RFA) has announced that if the court does not intervene to prevent the Trump administration’s decision to halt its funding, the broadcaster will cease operations entirely by the end of April. RFA stated this in a statement on Friday, March 28, according to British news agency Reuters.

The organization is engaged in a legal battle against the funding cut and has filed an emergency appeal to ensure access to congressionally allocated funds.

In a statement, RFA emphasized that this appeal highlights the irreversible damage to its operations, reputation, and the safety of journalists reporting from some of the world’s most dangerous regions.

Without court intervention, RFA is expected to shut down completely by the end of April. The organization has already placed 75% of its U.S.-based employees on mandatory leave and suspended the activities of more than 90% of its freelance journalists.

Since its establishment in 1996, RFA has been broadcasting across Asia. Human rights activists note that its multilingual journalists provide reliable news in authoritarian countries and raise awareness about the plight of persecuted minorities, such as the Uyghur Muslims in China.

RFA reaches an audience of 60 million people weekly.

Bangladeshi Preacher with Alleged Terror Links Delivered Extremist Sermon in Singapore

Bangladeshi preacher Amir Hamza, who is reportedly linked to the pro-Al-Qaeda group Ansar al-Islam, preached an unauthorized extremist sermon to migrant workers in Singapore. His speech allegedly promoted religious intolerance and glorified extremism, leading to legal action against event organizer Abdus Sattar and dormitory operator SBM Electrical & Automation.

Extremist Sermon and Allegations

On August 9, 2024, Amir Hamza delivered a speech at Lantana Lodge in Tech Park Crescent, near Tuas South Avenue 4. Singapore’s Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) later found that his sermon:

Labelled non-Muslims as “kafirs” (infidels)

Praised extremists as role models for religious devotion

Condemned the previous Bangladesh government, calling it oppressive

Authorities deemed his speech dangerous to Singapore’s communal harmony, and he left the country the next day. Reports of the illegal sermon surfaced on August 12, 2024, prompting an investigation.

Security Breach: How Amir Entered Singapore

Despite being on the Internal Security Department (ISD) watchlist, Amir entered Singapore using a passport with a different name. Minister for Home Affairs and Law K. Shanmugam stated on September 9, 2024, that his biometric data was not in Singapore’s immigration database because it was his first visit.

Amir Hamza’s Extremist Past

Amir has a history of promoting radical ideologies in Bangladesh. He was arrested in 2021 for inciting violence and spreading extremist beliefs. In that same year, three suspects arrested for planning an attack on Bangladesh’s Parliament claimed they were inspired by his sermons.

Though Amir later admitted to misinterpreting religious teachings, he denied encouraging attacks. He was released on bail in December 2023.

Legal Action Against Event Organizer

Singaporean man Abdus Sattar, 51, was charged on March 27, 2025, for:

Abetting Amir Hamza to conduct religious activities without a work pass

Organizing a public assembly without a police permit

Providing public entertainment without a license

His company, SBM Electrical & Automation, also faces charges for failing to maintain entry records of non-resident workers attending the event.

The case will be heard again in court on April 24, 2025.

Attack on Dhaka Reporters Unity Today: Journalists Face Grave Threats in Bangladesh


Dhaka, Bangladesh: In a shocking incident today at 10 AM, the Dhaka Reporters Unity (DRU) building in Shegun Bagicha was attacked by miscreants, reportedly identified as members of Jamat and Shibir, militant groups. Witnesses claim that the attackers wielded daggers and targeted staffs, leaving three staffs severely injured. One staff was stabbed in the arm during the assault.
Among the injured are DRU staff member Rabiul, along with Jahir and Babul.

The attackers allegedly declared their affiliation with Jatiotabadi Chatra Dol and Jamat Shibir while targeting Mannan Maruf, a journalist known for his support of the Bangladesh National Party.


A prominent journalist from Dhaka, who chose to remain anonymous due to security concerns, described the situation as dire. “When DRU is attacked, it signifies the absence of security for journalists. This is the second-largest organization for journalists in Bangladesh. Its vandalization symbolizes the complete loss and demolition of democracy in the country,” he stated.


The DRU, recognized as the largest organization of reporters in Bangladesh, has long been a cornerstone of journalism in the nation. This attack underscores the imminent threats faced by journalists and the growing challenges to press freedom in Bangladesh.

Bangladesh has limited time to choose between anarchy and democracy

Michael Rubin

Muhammad Yunus is at best a useful idiot for Jamaat-e-Islami and other war criminals; at worst, he is also a pawn for the Chinese. Either way, he today betrays Bangladesh, its traditional secularism, and its minority population. Time is running out for Bangladeshis to choose on their own; whether in Islamabad, Beijing, or New Delhi, the choice may soon be made for them.

When Egyptians poured into the streets in 2011 to demand President Hosni Mubarak’s ouster, they sought democracy and opportunity. Mubarak was a dictator, even if he pretended otherwise. Many Egyptians also resented the influence of the military in the country’s economy. Young Egyptians, unemployed and underemployed, did not feel merit mattered and that the state treated them fairly.

When Mubarak resigned, Egyptians hoped for a new beginning. During its decades in opposition, the Muslim Brotherhood had perfected the rhetoric of democracy. They used academics and think tank analysts to launder their image in the West, but behind the scenes, the Muslim Brotherhood was as dictatorial and ideological as ever. “Listen and repeat” was its mantra when young democracy-focused activists attended its meetings. They accepted no discussion. The Muslim Brotherhood activists, who had worked secretly for decades, had an ideological, religious objective, and they did not want democracy to get in its way.

The Muslim Brotherhood rule ended after just a year not simply because Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, commander-in-chief of the Egyptian Armed Forces, ousted President and Muslim Brotherhood affiliate Mohamed Morsi but because the millions of young people who forced Mubarak’s ouster returned to the streets when they recognised that Morsi had played them for fools. What Western diplomats called a coup, many Egyptians considered a revolution.

There are certain parallels to Bangladesh. Sheikh Hasina grew more autocratic during her last 15 years in power. Brute force backfired as she failed to keep quota reform protests from escalating. Muhammad Yunus, the chief adviser of Bangladesh, may not himself be an Islamist, but whether due to ego, naivety, or his own personal animosity toward the Awami League, he provides cover for Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami whose agenda has less to do with democracy than with social transformation.

Here, too, there is a parallel to Iran. A full ten per cent of the Iranian public participated in the 1979 protests against the Shah. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini was careful in his interviews prior to his return to Iran to speak the language of democracy. “In the Islamic Republic the rights of the religious minorities are respectfully regarded,” Khomeini told Austrian television on November 6, 1978. Ten days later, he told Britain’s Guardian newspaper, “I don’t want to have the power or the government in my hand; I am not interested in personal power.”

When he returned to Iran less than three months later, it was a different story; he quickly consolidated power, imprisoned or drove many minorities out of the country, imposed an Islamic Republic, and ruled for the next decade as its supreme leader. Iranians today seek democracy but remain trapped under a regime that has little popular legitimacy.

The question now is whether young Bangladeshis and civil society leaders who wanted democracy will instead settle for the terror and dictatorship that Jamaat-e-Islami seeks to impose with the backing, financing, and logistical support of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency.

Yunus also tilts to China, selling out Bangladeshi nationalism to the People’s Republic’s predations. Pakistan sold its sovereignty to China. Its much-ballyhooed China-Pakistan Economic Corridor now saddles Pakistan with almost $40 billion in debt Pakistanis can never repay without betraying their own sovereignty. Yunus’ naivete and ego now threaten the same with Bangladesh. This raises another scenario: Grenada.

Grenada won its independence from Great Britain in 1974, but five years later, the communist leader Maurice Bishop ousted its elected prime minister, Sir Eric Gairy, in a coup when Gairy was outside the country. Bishop contracted with Cubans and Algerians to build a new airport capable of accommodating Soviet bombers. This raised the concern of the United States, but Americans simply watched with caution.

What took the conflict in Grenada to the next level was Grenada’s own internal chaos. Many Grenadians grew wary of Bishop’s performance, ultimately leading the communist party’s Central Committee to push him aside and place him under house arrest. His supporters rallied and freed him, but he eventually surrendered to the superior force of the Grenadian armed forces.

The new prime minister, Bernard Coard, was unwilling to take any more chances. An armed forces firing squad executed Bishop and his key supporters on the spot and then ousted Coard as well. The Grenadian army then imposed a shoot-on-sight curfew as Cubans poured into the country to help them consolidate control.

It was in this context that, on October 25, 1983, President Ronald Reagan ordered the US military to invade Grenada to oust the Cuban forces, protect American students on the island, and restore democracy. Freedom House today ranks Grenada as among the world’s most democratic countries, on par with France and Italy and superior to the United States.

Muhammad Yunus is at best a useful idiot for Jamaat-e-Islami and other war criminals; at worst, he is also a pawn for the Chinese. Either way, he today betrays Bangladesh, its traditional secularism, and its minority population.

Bangladeshis now have three choices: They can realise Yunus and Jamaat-e-Islami play them for fools and return to the streets like Egyptians did to make clear that they want democracy, reform, and rule of law. Their goal was never to replace Sheikh Hasina’s increasing secular autocracy with a religious dictatorship. Egyptians have yet to achieve their democracy, but Bangladeshis have a stronger legacy of democracy with which to work.

Alternatively, Bangladesh can go the Grenada route. India may have no choice to intervene. Indians are more reticent than Americans about military intervention, but New Delhi must recognise the choice is no longer conflict or no conflict, but rather a choice between conflict on India’s terms or conflict on China and Pakistan’s terms.

The third choice is to allow Bangladesh to continue down the rabbit hole into radicalisation and terror sponsorship. Heefazat-e-Islam openly seeks to establish Islamic law throughout Bangladesh under the banner, “Bangladesh will become Afghanistan, and we will become Taliban.” In such a case, India must prepare for a perpetual insurgency launched not only from Pakistan but Bangladesh as well.

Time is running out for Bangladeshis to choose on their own; whether in Islamabad, Beijing, or New Delhi, the choice may soon be made for them.

Alternatively, Bangladesh can go the Grenada route. India may have no choice to intervene. Indians are more reticent than Americans about military intervention, but New Delhi must recognise the choice is no longer conflict or no conflict, but rather a choice between conflict on India’s terms or conflict on China and Pakistan’s terms.

The third choice is to allow Bangladesh to continue down the rabbit hole into radicalisation and terror sponsorship. Heefazat-e-Islam openly seeks to establish Islamic law throughout Bangladesh under the banner, “Bangladesh will become Afghanistan, and we will become Taliban.” In such a case, India must prepare for a perpetual insurgency launched not only from Pakistan but Bangladesh as well.

Time is running out for Bangladeshis to choose on their own; whether in Islamabad, Beijing, or New Delhi, the choice may soon be made for them.

Michael Rubin
Senior Fellow

Trump’s Tariff Hike on Imports Will Increase Costs for Americans, Says H&M CEO

H&M CEO Daniel Ervér has remarked that American consumers will face increased expenses due to President Donald Trump’s decision to raise import tariffs.

In an interview with Reuters on Thursday, Ervér stated, “The new trade barriers are forcing us to make changes to our supply chain.”

Currently, H&M’s primary production hub is in China, where Trump has already imposed an additional 20% tariff on imports. Furthermore, several other countries, including Bangladesh, are at risk of facing “reciprocal tariffs,” which are expected to be announced on April 2.

Since the United States is H&M’s second-largest market, the company may be compelled to raise product prices to manage the impact of the tariffs.

“Ultimately, these costs will be borne by consumers. We believe in fair and equal trade, but tariffs are not conducive to improving global trade,” Ervér added.

The CEO also mentioned that H&M is closely monitoring the U.S. tariff situation and preparing accordingly. However, uncertainty remains regarding which countries will be affected in Trump’s upcoming announcement. Ervér described the current situation as an “ongoing process.”