In 2001, during the swearing-in of Begum Khaleda Zia’s cabinet, there was no prior knowledge of who would be appointed ministers. When the leaders of the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) attended the ceremony, they saw several razakars—individuals who collaborated with Pakistan during the Liberation War—being sworn in as ministers. Outraged, the CPB leaders left the ceremony, chanting slogans such as “Citizens beware, razakars in the cabinet.”
The appointment of razakars in government is not new in Bangladesh. Names like Shah Aziz, Abdul Alim, Mirza Ruhul Amin Choka Miah, Maulana Mannan, Atauddin Khan, Syed Muhibul Hasan, Abdul Matin Chowdhury, and others come up frequently in this context. Successive governments, including those of Ziaur Rahman, Abdus Sattar, Hussain Muhammad Ershad, and Khaleda Zia, have rehabilitated razakars. Abdur Rahman Biswas, for instance, was made president by the BNP. But 2001 marked the first time the Jamaat-e-Islami party, which is associated with war collaborators, formally joined the cabinet.
During the Liberation War, the Razakar force operated as a separate militia aiding the Pakistani army. Other such forces included the Peace Committee, Al-Badr, and Al-Shams. However, in Bangladesh, the term razakar has become synonymous with those who opposed the country’s independence. A significant contribution to the term’s widespread use came from celebrated writer Humayun Ahmed, whose dramas popularized the phrase “Tui Razakar” (You traitor).
Writer and researcher Altaf Parvez published a book around 2000 titled Fereshtader Shashon (The Rule of Angels), detailing the daily workings of Justice Habibur Rahman’s caretaker government. The book is still in my house in Dhaka, and I’ll have to look for it when I return. Parvez called the government Fereshtader Shashon—whether the title was meant seriously or satirically, I can’t recall now. But it’s probably fitting to believe that a government led by a few “angels” would indeed be an angelic government. The 2024 government takes this concept one step further because it isn’t a typical caretaker government; it’s an interim government led by a Nobel Peace Prize winner. Hence, this could be aptly named Fereshtader Shanti-Shashon (The Peace Rule of Angels).
Most of the advisors in this government are unknown to the public. People barely know anything about them, which raises questions. Many of them are NGO figures, while others are former military or civil servants. Pinaki Bhattacharya has coined the term “NGO-gram government,” which seems quite accurate.
Amid this, I learned something disturbing. One of the government’s advisors, Muhammad Fawzul Kabir Khan, was a member of the Al-Badr militia during the war. The truth is, he was involved with the Islami Chhatra Sangha, the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, in Pakistan. He was a follower of Mir Quasem Ali, one of the leaders of the Al-Badr force, which was formed under the leadership of the Islami Chhatra Sangha. This force was spread across the country, and only its leaders and members were part of it. Fawzul Kabir was one of them.
Of course, not everyone had the opportunity to commit visible crimes. Whether Fawzul Kabir Khan did is unknown. Nurul Alam Chowdhury, a former MP from Chittagong, reportedly mentioned him multiple times in his speeches. During his time at Chittagong University between 1972 and 1976, Kabir was said to have engaged in communal activities, despite Jamaat and Chhatra Sangha being banned at the time. Did the ban stop their activities? That’s a big question.
As the son of a university professor, Fawzul Kabir had certain privileges on campus. After 1975, the Chhatra Sangha reemerged as Islami Chhatra Shibir, again under Mir Quasem Ali’s leadership. Fawzul Kabir Khan was also involved in this process. A gentleman from Chittagong shared these details with me, and after cross-checking, I confirmed that Fawzul Kabir Khan was indeed a Jamaat member. He was a follower of the late secretary Shah Abdul Hannan. Fawzul was a regular speaker at Hannan’s study circles, Witness and Pioneer, both rooted in Jamaat ideology.
This is something that needs to be proven. Leaders from the student wings of the Awami League, the Communist Party, and JSD could shed more light on this. Nurul Alam Chowdhury has passed away, as has Mohiuddin Chowdhury. But Mahmudur Rahman Manna is still around; he could probably confirm it, if he chooses to tell the truth.
There’s another advisor on the council, Syeda Rizwana Hasan, whose father was the infamous razakar Syed Muhibul Hasan from Habiganj. He was an MP during Ayub Khan’s regime, an MP under Zia’s BNP, and a minister under Ershad’s Jatiya Party. He renounced politics after Ershad’s fall. Rizwana Hasan, his capable daughter, is now an advisor in the 2024 interim government.
In this Fereshtader Shanti-Shashon government of 2024, family backgrounds like these hold no value. In fact, they come with opportunities for promotion. After all, the slogan seems to be, “Who are you, who am I? We’re all razakars.” All differences have vanished, leaving only the pro-independence forces out in the cold.
This was evident in the government’s treatment of Matia Chowdhury’s death. The government didn’t even issue a condolence message, let alone offer her a plot for burial. A state funeral was a far-off dream. Watching the news late at night, I wondered how many politicians of Matia’s caliber—dedicated and honest—are left in this country. Yet, the government insulted her. They humiliated her. The current administration clearly has no respect for a good person like Matia Chowdhury.
I see that the CPB has been participating in various government dialogues. I wonder if they will once again chant the same slogan they did in 2001:
“Citizens beware, there are razakars in the advisory council…”
Author: Sabbir Khan
Introduction: Writer, columnist, journalist, and social activist
[Writer’s Facebook Post]