Few issues have dominated Bangladesh’s political discourse in recent months as intensely as the prospect of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina returning to the country and the Awami League re-emerging as a major force in national politics. From television talk shows and political forums to social media platforms and diaspora communities abroad, the issue has become one of the most widely debated topics in contemporary Bangladesh.
The significance of this discussion stems from the unique position the Awami League occupies in the country’s history. More than just a political party, the Awami League is deeply intertwined with the birth of Bangladesh, the Liberation War, and the political evolution of the Bengali nation. As the country’s oldest and most influential political organization, it has played a central role in shaping modern Bangladesh.
Yet for nearly two years, the party has remained effectively banned from political activity. Following the political upheaval of August 5, 2024, the interim administration led by Dr. Muhammad Yunus prohibited the activities of the Awami League and all of its affiliated organizations. That restriction was later transformed into permanent legislation after the BNP-led government won the February 2026 parliamentary election and Parliament passed the Anti-Terrorism (Amendment) Bill, 2026.
Despite these legal measures, discussions about the Awami League’s eventual return have never disappeared. Instead, they have steadily intensified, particularly following a widely publicized interview given by Sheikh Hasina in May.
In that interview, Sheikh Hasina expressed confidence that she would soon return to Bangladesh and would do so “with her head held high.” She spoke about the future of the Awami League, Bangladesh’s political trajectory, and regional relations. Recalling the numerous assassination attempts she has survived throughout her political career, she argued that efforts to suppress the Awami League had repeatedly failed in the past and would fail again.
According to her, the party remains deeply rooted in Bangladeshi society and continues to enjoy widespread support despite the restrictions imposed upon it. She maintained that millions of supporters, leaders, and activists remain politically active and committed to opposing the current government.
Her remarks energized Awami League supporters both inside Bangladesh and throughout the diaspora. Since then, reports have emerged of flash processions and political gatherings taking place across the country despite official restrictions. Many activists who left their local communities—or even the country itself—following the events of August 2024 are reportedly preparing to return and resume political activity.
What has made the discussion particularly noteworthy is that support for the Awami League’s return is no longer coming exclusively from within the party itself.
Touhid Hossain, who served as Foreign Affairs Adviser in the interim government that imposed the original ban, recently stated that he does not believe the Awami League has been permanently removed from Bangladesh’s political landscape.
“I believe the Awami League will return to politics and I expect it to participate in the next election,” he remarked in a television interview.
Such comments reflect an emerging reality that many political observers are increasingly acknowledging: a party with nearly eight decades of history, a nationwide organizational structure, and a substantial support base cannot simply be erased from political life through legislation.
Former diplomat and political analyst Dr. Khalilur Rahman has argued that one of the most significant political developments of recent months is the growing number of individuals now advocating the return of the Awami League to mainstream politics.
According to Rahman, many people who were previously associated with the political environment that emerged after August 2024 are now openly supporting inclusive politics and the removal of restrictions on the Awami League’s activities.
Even more noteworthy, he argues, is the shift among intellectuals, academics, and members of civil society. Many who were once among the strongest critics of the previous government have increasingly concluded that Bangladesh’s political future cannot be built upon the exclusion of one of the country’s principal political forces.
Rahman believes that these changes reflect a broader reassessment taking place across society.
Based on developments since August 2024, he argues that large segments of the population—particularly farmers, laborers, garment workers, rickshaw pullers, and other low-income groups—have begun to re-evaluate the role of the Awami League in their lives.
For many ordinary citizens, politics is ultimately judged by practical outcomes rather than ideological debates. Employment opportunities, economic stability, food prices, social protection, and personal security often matter more than political slogans.
Rahman contends that many people increasingly associate the Awami League era with greater economic stability and social security than they currently experience. As a result, support for the party is no longer confined to traditional Awami League voters. It is increasingly visible among groups that historically maintained little direct attachment to the organization.
He also observes a similar shift among sections of Bangladesh’s educated and professional classes.
For years, many academics and intellectuals were among the most vocal critics of successive Awami League governments. Today, however, some of these same individuals have begun arguing that political stability and democratic legitimacy require an inclusive political environment in which all major political forces can participate.
According to Rahman, many have concluded that permanently excluding millions of citizens who identify with a major political tradition is neither sustainable nor compatible with democratic principles.
He further notes that even some individuals associated with the former interim administration appear to be distancing themselves from policies that critics characterized as unstable, disorderly, and excessively dependent on mob-driven political pressure.
Many who once defended the exclusion of the Awami League now appear to recognize that such a strategy may ultimately prove politically unworkable.
As a result, Rahman reaches a conclusion that would have been controversial only a short time ago: the Awami League may now enjoy broader acceptance among non-Awami League voters than at any previous point in recent memory, particularly among working-class and economically vulnerable communities.
Nevertheless, he also issues a warning.
The Awami League’s future success, he argues, will depend not only on its return to politics but also on its ability to avoid past mistakes. Allegations have long circulated that opportunists and anti-Awami League elements infiltrated various levels of the party’s structure. Rahman believes the party’s leadership, grassroots activists, and genuine supporters must remain vigilant to ensure that such individuals do not once again damage the organization’s reputation.
For him, the broad support currently being shown by ordinary citizens is far more valuable than the influence of any factional or opportunistic group operating within the party.
Former Member of Parliament and political analyst Golam Maula Rony offers an even more dramatic assessment of the Awami League’s prospects.
According to Rony, when the Awami League returns, it will not return gradually. It will return with the force of a tsunami.
He argues that public trust and confidence in the party are steadily re-emerging. In his view, the Awami League is not merely a political organization but a powerful emotional force shaped by decades of sacrifice, struggle, and bloodshed.
The party’s supporters, he argues, identify with it on a deeply personal level. When the party suffers, they suffer as well.
Rony also believes that Sheikh Hasina’s political stature has actually increased since leaving power. Rather than diminishing her influence, exile and adversity have strengthened her image among supporters.
He has gone so far as to suggest that even if Sheikh Hasina were imprisoned upon returning to Bangladesh, such a development could become a powerful political rallying point, attracting thousands of supporters and creating significant challenges for the authorities.
Distinguished economist Professor Rehman Sobhan has likewise expressed concern regarding efforts to permanently exclude the Awami League from politics.
His argument is rooted in political reality. Bangladesh’s political system has historically revolved around two major political forces, and the Awami League represents one of those pillars.
A political organization with nearly eighty years of history and a substantial voter base, he argues, cannot simply disappear because a law says it should.
Political loyalties, historical identities, and social networks cannot be legislated out of existence.
For that reason, Sobhan believes that Bangladesh’s political future ultimately requires a resolution that acknowledges the Awami League’s place within the country’s democratic framework.
He has also suggested that forces opposed to the ideals of the Liberation War played an important role in shaping the political environment that emerged after August 2024. In his assessment, hostility toward Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League often extended to hostility toward Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the historical legacy of Bangladesh’s struggle for independence.
Sobhan further argues that Sheikh Hasina’s determination to defend the legacy of Bangabandhu must be understood within its historical context. Following the events of 1975, successive governments attempted to marginalize Bangabandhu and diminish the role of the Awami League within the national narrative. Sheikh Hasina’s political approach, he contends, developed partly as a reaction to those efforts.
The history of the Awami League itself provides important context for understanding its enduring influence.
Founded on June 23, 1949, at the historic Rose Garden in Old Dhaka, the Awami League emerged as a movement dedicated to political rights, democratic participation, and Bengali aspirations. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, then imprisoned, was elected Joint General Secretary of the newly established organization.
Over the following decades, the party became the principal vehicle for Bengali nationalism and eventually led the movement that resulted in the creation of independent Bangladesh in 1971.
The party has survived military rule, imprisonment, repression, assassination, and political exclusion.
Its greatest challenge came after the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and most of his family in 1975, followed by the killing of the four national leaders. At the time, many believed the party would never recover.
History proved otherwise.
Under Sheikh Hasina’s leadership, the Awami League rebuilt itself, became a leading force in the struggle against military rule, and eventually returned to power through electoral victory in 1996.
After its landslide victory in 2008, the party governed Bangladesh until August 2024. Supporters point to significant achievements during that period, including economic growth, infrastructure development, poverty reduction, and enhanced international standing.
Today, the author argues, efforts to exclude the Awami League from politics represent the latest chapter in a long history of attempts to marginalize the party.
Yet history suggests such efforts are unlikely to succeed.
The Awami League’s roots extend into virtually every district, town, village, and neighborhood of Bangladesh. Built by leaders such as Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, Maulana Bhashani, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Shamsul Haque, and Tajuddin Ahmad, the organization remains deeply embedded within the country’s political culture.
For the author, the conclusion is clear.
The Bengali nation, the Bangla language, Bangladesh’s independence, and the Awami League are inseparably linked. The party represents not merely a political organization but a historical tradition shaped by sacrifice, struggle, and nation-building.
Many have attempted to destroy the Awami League. None have succeeded.
For that reason, the author believes that Bangladesh’s long-term stability and democratic development require political inclusion rather than exclusion. The restrictions imposed on the Awami League should be lifted, and the party should be allowed to participate freely in the democratic process.
Ultimately, the future of Bangladesh should be decided by its people. In that democratic contest, the author remains convinced that the Awami League will once again emerge as a central force in shaping the nation’s future.
Author: Sajjad Hossain Sabuj, Senior Journalist and Former Press Minister, Embassy of Bangladesh, Washington, D.C.
