On August 5, anti-Awami political parties across Bangladesh marked the first anniversary of the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government with public celebrations and renewed calls for building a “New Bangladesh.”
Some supporters have gone so far as to call the movement a “second liberation” for the Muslim-majority nation of 170 million.
But beneath the surface of celebration, the past year has revealed the complexities of Bangladesh’s post-Hasina transition — a journey marked by hope, disillusionment, and growing unrest.
Unmet Promises and Youth Disillusionment
Many young activists and political analysts now say the optimism that swept through the streets last year has yet to translate into meaningful change.
A key catalyst for Hasina’s fall — the demand for a quota-free recruitment system in public service — initially raised hopes of reform. But those hopes were dashed in July when the interim government introduced a new quota policy, sparking widespread frustration. Critics see the move as a betrayal of the youth who had mobilized for a fairer system.
Adding to concerns, the Yunus-led administration has launched a governance model known as the “New Political Settlement,” which some now accuse of veering toward authoritarianism.
Targeting Awami Supporters and Rising Repression
Analysts say a significant portion of Awami League supporters, who once enjoyed broad political legitimacy, are now being labeled “anti-state.” Many are reportedly facing censorship, job losses, or political harassment.
Human rights organizations have documented a sharp rise in vigilante violence and mob justice. Over the past year, hundreds of Awami League leaders and activists have reportedly been killed in such attacks — figures the interim government disputes but has not fully investigated.
The result is a nation on the edge of a new political divide, where the lines between justice and revenge appear increasingly blurred.
Post-Hasina Transition: Far from Smooth
While many rejoiced at Hasina’s departure, rights groups warn that the political transition has been anything but smooth. Over the past year, mob violence, revenge attacks, and the resurgence of religious extremism have threatened to unravel the country’s fragile democratic gains.
Former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, now in exile in India, continues to deny charges of ordering violent crackdowns on protesters before her ousting. She has refused to return to face trial, where she stands accused of crimes against humanity.
Not a Revolution — Just a Change of Power?
Prominent women’s rights activist Shireen Huq, who chaired the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission under the interim government, expresses skepticism about the extent of change.
“I think we had a regime change, not a revolution,” she told, “Misogyny remains intact, male dominance remains unchallenged.”
In April, the commission proposed landmark reforms — including equal inheritance rights for women, legal recognition of marital rape, divorce rights, and protections for sex workers. But in May, thousands of Islamist hardliners led by Hefazat-e-Islam (which holds a cabinet seat) protested the proposals as “anti-Islamic.” The backlash halted further debate, and the commission’s work has since stalled.
“I was disappointed the interim government didn’t support us enough when we faced abuse from Hefazat-e-Islam,” Huq added. Yunus’s office declined to comment.
The Return of Religious Hardliners
Activists warn that the protests against gender reforms reflect a broader trend: religious hardliners once sidelined under Hasina are now emboldened. Over the past year, they’ve disrupted girls’ sports events, harassed women in public, and attacked Sufi shrines.
Women have become frequent targets — both online and in the streets — for their clothing, public presence, or artistic involvement. While gender and religion dominate much of the discourse, deeper grievances remain unresolved.
The Past Still Haunts
Despite Hasina’s ouster, her Awami League remains at the center of national debate. The party faces widespread resentment over past abuses — including allegations of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and the suppression of dissent during her rule.
“There’s a large part of the population that didn’t just want accountability — they wanted retribution,” says veteran journalist and Bangladesh observer David Bergman.
“But you can’t move forward by replicating the same injustices you sought to end.”
Allegations of Political Revenge
The Awami League now claims that hundreds of its supporters have been lynched in the past year. The interim government denies the scale of violence, but activists say many party-affiliated individuals remain in jail, facing murder charges with little due process.
Courts have repeatedly denied bail. Critics argue this reflects a form of political persecution in reverse — replacing one form of injustice with another.
A Fragile Stability
Despite ongoing unrest, the economy has remained surprisingly stable. Bangladesh has met international loan obligations, controlled food prices, and maintained a foreign reserve of around $30 billion — supported by remittances and exports.
Student leader Nahid Islam, who helped organize the anti-Hasina protests and briefly served as an adviser to the interim government, acknowledges the country is in a “transitional phase. Yes, there are challenges. But we’ve also made progress,”
Islam dismissed concerns about Islamist influence, calling it part of a “broader cultural struggle” that predates Hasina’s fall.
A New Democratic Space — Or Just Rebranding?
Supporters of the interim administration point to a more open media environment and freer expression as proof of democratic gains.
“Since Hasina’s fall, a democratic environment has been established,” said Islam. “People can speak freely again.”
But critics argue that unelected student leaders and activists now wield outsized influence without the accountability or experience required to govern. Others warn that political space has simply shifted — not expanded.
For many, the hope for a better Bangladesh remains — but is tempered by the realization that transformation is slow, uneven, and far from certain.
As one observer noted: “Celebration is easy. Transformation takes time.”
