A Mob Lynching in Bhaluka: One Night of Horror
On a cold Thursday night in December 2025, 25-year-old Dipu Chandra Das did not know he was about to die. The young Hindu garment worker lived quietly as a tenant in Bhaluka, an industrial township in Mymensingh. He worked at a local factory and had no criminal record. Yet on the night of December 18, rumors spread that he had made derogatory remarks about Islam. There was no formal complaint, no investigation, no attempt to verify the claims.
What followed was swift – and horrific. According to eyewitnesses and multiple videos that were later shared widely on social media, an enraged mob descended on Dipu. He was beaten repeatedly. “They tied him to a tree,” recalled his father, Ravilal Dasndtv.com, describing what he learned happened to his son. “They poured kerosene on his body and set him on fire. His burned body was left outside… it was horrible,” he told NDTVndtv.com. By the time police arrived, Dipu was dead. Officers confirmed that “after beating him to death, the mob hung the body from a tree and set it ablaze”. Videos of the lynching were livestreamed online, capturing in real time how quickly a rumor turned into a public execution.
Dipu’s killing was not an isolated outburst of rage. It was the most graphic example yet of a pattern that has intensified across Bangladesh since August 2024: violence triggered by blasphemy allegations, fueled by rumor, and carried out by mobs acting with near-total impunity. As Amnesty International warned, “we are alarmed by the lynching of [a] Hindu garment worker [over blasphemy allegations],” noting that mob violence has resulted in injuries, destruction, and even deathdhakatribune.com. The interim government condemned Dipu’s lynching, stating “there is no space for such violence in the new Bangladesh. The perpetrators of this heinous crime will not be spared”ndtv.com. Within days, security forces arrested seven suspects over his murderndtv.com. Yet for many, the damage was already done. Dipu’s father lamented that no official had reached out directly to assure the family of justicendtv.com. His son’s charred death has become a symbol of how quickly whispers of sacrilege can ignite into lethal vigilantism – and how fragile the rule of law becomes when mobs decide guilt.
From Accusation to Execution: A Deadly Sequence
A review of incidents between August 2024 and December 2025 reveals a chillingly recurring sequence. An allegation – often originating from a Facebook post, a screenshot, or a mere comment – begins to circulate. Mosque loudspeakers, messaging apps, and local word-of-mouth amplify the rumor. Crowds assemble rapidly, inflamed by calls to defend the faith. Violence follows, frequently before authorities can (or will) intervene.
In several cases, mobs attacked individuals in the presence of law enforcement and security forces. In some, victims were even seized from police custody by crowds bent on instant “justice.” In others, officers arrived only after homes had been burned, shops looted, or people beaten within an inch of their lives. By then, the damage was done.
Instead of detaining the attackers, police have often arrested the accused blasphemers themselves – ostensibly for their own protection – while those who carried out the violence walked free. Human rights observers say Dipu’s killing represents the most extreme endpoint of this process: rumor replacing investigation, and mob violence replacing due process.
This “accusation-to-execution” pipeline has played out again and again:
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September 4, 2024 (Khulna): A mob of 3,000–5,000 Islamist protesters stormed a government office and brutally assaulted 18-year-old Utsab Mandal, a Hindu student, over a Facebook post they deemed blasphemoushinduvoice.in. Shockingly, this attack occurred inside the Khulna Deputy Commissioner’s Office in full view of police, army, and navy personnelhinduvoice.in. Utsab was hospitalized with severe injuries – then promptly arrested under cybercrime laws upon discharge, while no members of the mob were immediately held to accounthinduvoice.in.
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Late September 2024 (Chattogram): In Patiya, madrasa students and locals besieged a police station demanding a Hindu youth, Partha Biswas, be handed over for allegedly insulting the Prophet on Facebook. The frenzied crowd even attacked an army vehicle by mistake, injuring a soldierhinduvoice.in. Partha had already been arrested under the Cyber Security Act on Sept 29, but the mob wanted to exact their own punishmenthinduvoice.in. No one from the rioting crowd was arrested that night.
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October 28, 2024 (Faridpur): At a college in Boalmari, 17-year-old Hridoy Pal was accused of posting blasphemous content. He denied it, saying his phone had been stolen and his account hackedhinduvoice.in. Nonetheless, an irate crowd of madrasa students surrounded the school, demanding Hridoy’s immediate execution. As security forces led him away, the boy was blindfolded, publicly humiliated, and beaten – even as army personnel escorted him off campushinduvoice.in. Onlookers filmed the abuse; the video of Hridoy’s torment by those meant to protect him went viral, sparking public outragehinduvoice.in. Again, Hridoy ended up in custody, and none of his attackers were punished.
These cases underscore how quickly an allegation can spiral into collective punishment. For the accused – often young, vulnerable, or even innocent – even surviving the initial mob attack can lead to new ordeals: criminal charges, detention, and social ostracism. Meanwhile, the perpetrators of the violence frequently face scant consequences. This inversion of justice has only emboldened those who seek vigilante retribution in the name of religion.
Impunity and ‘Protective’ Arrests: Punishing Victims, Not Attackers
One of the most disturbing aspects of these cases is what happens after the violence. Time and again, instead of focusing on the assailants, authorities have detained the victims of the mobs – those accused of blasphemy – often under the very laws meant to address religious offense. Ostensibly, police claim such arrests are for the victim’s “own protection” or to calm tensions. In practice, they reinforce a dangerous precedent: if a mob beats someone badly enough, that person will be treated as the criminal.
Consider the case of barber Paresh Chandra Shil in Lalmonirhat. In June 2025, an unfounded rumor spread that Paresh, a Hindu, had insulted Islam. A mob swiftly formed and publicly beat him and his son Bishnu in broad daylight. Video footage of the assault circulated online, showing the victims bloodied and pleading. What followed? Police arrived and arrested Paresh and his son under “religious insult” provisions – effectively jailing the victims – while those who assaulted them faced no immediate consequences. Islamist groups even later rallied demanding the execution of the barber and his son for blasphemy, even though the initial allegation was proven false.
Rights groups have described such cases as emblematic of a broader problem: the criminalization of those targeted by accusations and the normalization of mob violence as a community “response.” In other words, the accused get punished – socially, legally, or physically – while the attackers often enjoy de facto impunity.
This pattern breeds a perverse incentive. As Amnesty International noted in a December 2025 statement, Bangladesh must “hold perpetrators of…violence and killings accountable in a fair trial”dhakatribune.com and not embolden mobs through inaction. Yet many families of victims say justice remains elusive. In case after case, police have filed charges under blasphemy, cyber, or penal laws against the accused individual, but failed to arrest the mob leaders or instigators who may be known in the community.
For example, when a Hindu student’s Facebook post in July 2025 allegedly offended local religious sentiments in Gangachara, Rangpur, mobs retaliated by vandalizing and looting at least 18 Hindu homes in his village. Dozens of families fled overnight. Ultimately the student was arrested – but local officials admitted not a single rioter was apprehended in the immediate aftermath.
Such impunity sends a clear message: violent crowds can act as judge, jury, and executioner with little fear of punishment. In interviews, several victims’ families said they did not even file police complaints after mob attacks because they feared retaliation and had no confidence authorities would prosecute the attackers. Some were pressured by local power-brokers to settle matters quietly or even apologize for “hurting religious feelings,” regardless of the facts.
“Only Two Hindus Died”: A Tidal Wave Against Minorities
Analysis of documented incidents shows a stark pattern: the overwhelming majority of people accused of blasphemy – and nearly all those subjected to mob violence – have been members of Bangladesh’s religious minorities, especially Hindus. Over the 17-month period in question, dozens of Hindu homes, businesses and temples were attacked following accusations against individuals.
Entire Hindu villages have faced collective punishment for one resident’s alleged online comment. In Gangachara (Rangpur) in July 2025, for instance, as noted, at least 18 homes were ransacked after a Hindu teen’s arrest. In Dowarabazar (Sunamganj) in early December 2024, a mob rampaged through Monglargaon village after a Hindu youth was accused online – looting or burning at least 40 homes, multiple temples, and shops in one nightthedailystar.netthedailystar.net. Families fled into the winter night; one mother, Minoti Rani, hid by the river with her child as she heard the mob roar and watched her house go up in flamesthedailystar.netthedailystar.net. “They looted everything, even the gold my parents gave me in marriage,” she later recounted, her voice tremblingthedailystar.net. Only after hours of unchecked violence did army and police reinforcements restore a semblance of calmbdnews24.com.
Human rights monitors say these are not isolated events but part of an alarming uptick in communal attacks. The Bangladesh Hindu-Buddhist-Christian Unity Council reported that between August 4 and August 20, 2024 – immediately after the political upheaval that month – there were some 2,000 incidents of communal violence, including at least nine Hindu men killed and 69 temples attackedaljazeera.com. Mobs took advantage of the post-transition chaos to target minority neighborhoods in dozens of districts. (Independent investigators later suggested some killings during that period might have been politically or personally motivated rather than purely religiousaljazeera.com, but the effect on minority communities was the same: terror.)
For Bangladesh’s roughly 10% Hindu minority, the message was chilling. “Our lives don’t matter here,” a Hindu banker in Dhaka told Al Jazeera, describing how, whenever power shifts or unrest occurs, minorities become easy targetsaljazeera.comaljazeera.com. Under the long-ruling Awami League government of Sheikh Hasina (seen as relatively sympathetic to minorities), overt anti-Hindu mobilizations by Islamists were often kept in checkaljazeera.comaljazeera.com. But since Hasina’s fall in August 2024, Hindu community members say they feel far more exposed. “Anti-Hindu religious activists, who couldn’t dominate much during the Hasina rule, now are in strength,” said Deboraj Bhattacharjee, a Hindu professional in Dhakaaljazeera.comaljazeera.com.
Indeed, in the new political climate, previously fringe extremist groups have become bolder in enforcing their religious worldview. Besides Hindus, Baul folk musicians and Sufi Muslim practitioners – who follow syncretic, moderate traditions – have also been targeted. In late 2025, an alarming series of attacks on Baul musicians occurred. On November 20, 2025, renowned Baul singer Abul Sarkar was arrested in Manikganj after Islamist preachers accused him of “blasphemous” lyrics during a folk performanceen.prothomalo.comen.prothomalo.com. He was charged and jailed under cyber and penal codes for “hurting religious sentiments” – his assistant insists his remarks were taken out of context to smear himen.prothomalo.comen.prothomalo.com. When local Baul supporters held a peaceful rally on November 23 protesting his arrest, a mob of Islamist hardliners (self-styled “Tawhidi Janata”) violently attacked the gathering. At least three artists were badly injured (some beaten into a pond as they tried to escape) while police reportedly stood by until the violence escalatedeusee.hivos.orgeusee.hivos.org. A case was later filed by one of the injured Baul followers, but it named no specific suspectseusee.hivos.orgeusee.hivos.org. Rights groups condemned the episode as part of a “wider surge of hostility” against unorthodox cultural and religious groups, pointing to recent incidents of shrine vandalism, arson, even forced cutting of Bauls’ traditional long haireusee.hivos.orgeusee.hivos.org.
The common thread is a hardening intolerance for any expression – by minorities or even progressive Muslims – deemed “insulting” to Islam. “Since the fall of Hasina, there is no way to deny the fear and insecurity gripping [minorities] in rural areas,” said Abhro Shome Pias, a Hindu student in Dhakaaljazeera.comaljazeera.com. “Many Hindus have been displaced, their lands grabbed… it’s unclear if they’ll get justice,” he addedaljazeera.com. Community leaders say Hindus now feel pressure to keep a low profile: families are avoiding any public discussion that could be misinterpreted, many have sharply reduced their social media use, and some have quietly left their hometowns altogether.
This climate of fear is exacerbated by impunity and denial at the highest levels. When nationwide anti-Hindu pogroms erupted during a Hindu festival in October 2021 (pre-dating the current period), a senior minister infamously downplayed the violence – claiming “only two Hindus died… no temples were destroyed”hinduvoice.inhinduvoice.in despite extensive evidence to the contrary. Such rhetoric, minority advocates say, signals that even large-scale violence will be glossed over. In 2024–25, however, the scale and frequency of “blasphemy” flashpoints have made it harder to deny the problem. Still, concrete accountability is rare. An exception came on December 18, 2025, when Dipu’s lynching spurred national horror; within two days, the Rapid Action Battalion arrested seven suspectsndtv.com amid public pressure. Even so, families of past victims ask why it took a brutal killing – livestreamed on Facebook – for authorities to act. As one Hindu elder in Sunamganj told a reporter after his village was attacked, “We have to prove our loyalty to this country every day. But when we are targeted, who will protect us? We feel abandoned.”
Mobs Fueled by Facebook: Rumor as a Weapon
Many of these incidents have been fueled – if not outright triggered – by content circulating on social media. In case after case, a screenshot of an alleged Facebook post or comment spreads like wildfire, presented as “proof” of blasphemy. Mosque leaders announce the supposed offense over loudspeakers after prayers, urging the faithful to react. Within hours (or even minutes), an outraged crowd materializes.
Disturbingly, numerous families of the accused insist the online evidence was false, manipulated, or taken out of context. Some victims did not even have Facebook accounts, they say, or their profiles had been hacked by malicious actors. In October 2024, for example, teenager Hridoy Pal stated his phone had been stolen long before – implying someone else posted inflammatory content in his namehinduvoice.in. In other cases, like Nasirnagar 2016 or Bhola 2019, it was later confirmed that blasphemous posts attributed to Hindus were planted by others to incite violencehinduvoice.inhinduvoice.in. Even so, mobs rarely wait for any verification.
Despite the digital nature of these accusations, Bangladeshi authorities have often failed to trace the original source of alleged posts or to validate their authenticity. “Screenshots can be fake, accounts can be hacked – but no one checks,” says a representative of the Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities (HRCBM). “It’s straight from allegation to attack.” This lack of investigation emboldens those who would weaponize misinformation. Knowing that a doctored image or rumor can spark chaos, various actors – from extremist groups to personal rivals – have exploited the tactic. Local rights groups have documented cases where personal feuds or political vendettas were recast as “blasphemy” incidents to rally communal furyaljazeera.com.
Facebook, in particular, has become an unwitting accelerator of violence. A recent study by a Rajshahi University researcher noted that between August 2024 and June 2025, during the interim “Yunusian” regime, Facebook was repeatedly used as a “digital court of public opinion” to deliver vigilante verdictspapers.ssrn.compapers.ssrn.com. Unverified allegations went from newsfeed to street mobs within hours. The study warned that “unchecked digital vigilantism threatens Bangladesh’s democratic fabric” and called for urgent reforms – from stronger social media governance to better cybercrime forensics – to stop the spiralpapers.ssrn.compapers.ssrn.com.
A telling example came in June 2025 in Dinajpur, when a Hindu man named Sohag Das was targeted not for something he wrote, but merely for “liking” a friend’s Facebook post that others deemed offensive. When word got out, hundreds of people rallied in Parbatipur over two days, loudly demanding Sohag’s execution for this alleged blasphemy. His family fled their home that very night, and Hindu households across the area shuttered in fear. All this, over a single click of a “Like” button – which itself became the basis for an accusation.
In such a charged atmosphere, even outright fake news finds a receptive audience. Bangladesh has also contended with foreign disinformation aggravating the situation. Independent fact-checkers documented that Indian media outlets aligned with Hindu nationalism disseminated dozens of false or exaggerated reports about anti-Hindu violence in Bangladesh after August 2024aljazeera.comaljazeera.com. These reports, often amplified on social platforms, further inflamed passions on both sides of the border. While Bangladeshi Hindus decry the Indian media’s interference – which they say “twists the ground reality and spreads a climate of fear”aljazeera.comaljazeera.com – the net effect is more tension at home. Each viral rumor, whether domestic or cross-border, has the potential to ignite the next flashpoint.
A New Political Climate of Intolerance
The surge in blasphemy-related persecution has coincided with a tumultuous political shift in Bangladesh. In early August 2024, after weeks of massive student protests against the long-ruling government, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned on August 5, 2024 and fled the countryhrw.org. An interim administration led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus took charge amid promises of reform and justicendtv.comndtv.com. But the power vacuum also unleashed widespread unrest.
In the immediate aftermath of Hasina’s ouster, violence erupted across at least 68 districts. While much of the bloodshed involved clashes between security forces, ruling party loyalists, and protesters (over 1,000 people were killed in political violence by some countsaljazeera.comaljazeera.com), minority communities were also swept up in the storm. Mobs attacked Hindu neighborhoods in multiple areas, often under the pretext of rumors that someone had “insulted Islam” amid the chaosaljazeera.comhrw.org. According to the Unity Council, between August 4 and 20, 2024, alongside the Hindu fatalities and temple attacks noted earlier, hundreds of homes and businesses were looted or burned across the countryaljazeera.com. In one district (Netrokona), for example, an Aug 7, 2024 Facebook rumor led to an assault on a Hindu village that left three people dead and a dozen houses torched (a grim echo of the 2012 Ramu tragedy)papers.ssrn.com.
The new regime initially vowed to protect minorities. The army chief, upon taking control, urged vigilance against any “lawlessness” or communal retaliationhrw.orghrw.org. Activists even formed neighborhood watch groups to shield Hindu temples in some areashrw.org. But as the months wore on, minority rights groups say confidence in state protection eroded sharply. Reports from late 2024 and 2025 describe a climate in which mobs act quickly, police respond slowly, and accountability remains rare.
Part of the challenge is the tacit political influence of Islamist groups. The Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami, which had been repressed under Hasina, re-emerged openly. Jamaat’s student wing and other hardliners seized on blasphemy issues to rally support. For instance, in October 2025, when North South University student Apurbo Pal – who reportedly struggled with mental illness – allegedly desecrated a Quran on campus, Islamist student activists led the charge in assaulting him and demanded harsh punishmenttbsnews.nettbsnews.net. Apurbo was beaten by a mob while police tried to escort him from his home; he ended up jailed and permanently expelled from the university within hourstbsnews.nettbsnews.net. An NSU faculty member later revealed Apurbo had converted to Islam and had known mental health and addiction issues, urging authorities to treat the case with compassion rather than conspiracy thinkingtbsnews.nettbsnews.net. But in the frenzied post-incident atmosphere, there was little appetite for nuance. The episode reinforced how, in today’s Bangladesh, even a Muslim accused of blasphemy can face mob brutality and institutional exclusion if they are seen as deviant.
The interim government, for its part, has had to walk a tightrope. Keen to distinguish itself from the past, it has shown some responsiveness to public outrage (as seen in the arrests after Dipu’s lynching). Yet it has also sought to placate conservative sentiment. Perhaps the clearest example came in December 2025, when a Supreme Court lawyer with ties to the establishment filed a writ petition seeking to sharply toughen Bangladesh’s blasphemy laws. On November 30, Advocate Md. Golam Kibria petitioned the High Court to introduce the “highest penalty” for religious insult, arguing that the current maximum of two years’ imprisonment is “grossly inadequate”jagonews24.comjagonews24.com. “Because of such leniency, individuals feel emboldened to repeatedly insult Allah and our Prophet,” he told reporters, citing recent cases like Baul singer Abul Sarkar that had “wounded millions of believers”jagonews24.comjagonews24.com. On December 2, the High Court issued a rule asking the government to explain why the law should not be amended to impose “reasonable punishment” (read: harsher punishment) for hurting religious sentimentjagonews24.com. The court directed officials to respond within four weeksjagonews24.com. While the petition did not explicitly demand a death penalty, it urged the “highest penalty permissible” so that “no one dares commit such blasphemy in future”jagonews24.comjagonews24.com. Observers noted that such moves effectively legitimize the rhetoric of extremists, bringing Bangladesh closer to Pakistan’s draconian blasphemy regimesanatanprabhat.orgopindia.com. Human rights activists reacted with dismay. “The court’s observations…signify deep-rooted political Islam in Bangladesh,” one activist told HRWF, a European rights forumhrwf.eu. They warned that elevating the punishment for “hurting sentiment” could further weaponize the law against minorities and dissidents.
Indeed, the blasphemy issue has even entangled opposition politicians. In early December 2025, a Dhaka court entertained a case against Shishir Monir, a Supreme Court lawyer and opposition Jamaat-e-Islami candidate for Parliament. Shishir was accused of “hurting religious feelings” after a video circulated of him philosophically comparing Islamic fasting (Roza) with Hindu worship (Puja), saying they were “two sides of the same coin.” A fellow lawyer filed a complaint on Dec 7, alleging Shishir’s remark was intended to outrage Muslimsprothomalo.comprothomalo.com. The court took the unusual step of recording the complaint and ordering the police Detective Branch to investigate and report back by Jan 27, 2026prothomalo.com. If evidence is found, the magistrate noted, Shishir could be summoned to face chargesprothomalo.comprothomalo.com. Shishir Monir, who is running for office in Sunamganj-2, protested that his words were taken out of context for political gain and that the complainants are aligned with the ruling factionprothomalo.comprothomalo.com. Nonetheless, the case’s acceptance by the court indicates how blasphemy accusations are now being used as political weapons in the run-up to national elections.
“Dipu Died Because Rumor Spread Faster Than Truth”
By the end of 2025, Bangladesh finds itself at a crossroads. The past year and a half have seen an alarming rise in vigilante violence under the banner of defending religion. Victims have included Hindu schoolchildren, poor shopkeepers, respected poets, folk singers, and even mentally unwell individuals – a diverse list united only by the accusation (often unproven) that they disrespected Islam. Mobs have lynched at least four people and injured countless others in this period. They have destroyed homes, desecrated temples, and terrorized minority villages. In nearly every instance, the spark was a rumor – usually spread online – and the flame was fanned by extremist rhetoric in person.
Community advocates warn that without concrete action, the cycle will continue and likely worsen. “Each new allegation becomes more dangerous than the last when mobs face no consequences,” one minority rights activist commented. Accountability is key: Amnesty International has urged the interim government to ensure “prompt, thorough, independent and impartial investigations” into both the murder of Muslim youth leader Sharif Hadi (whose death in custody sparked protests) and the “subsequent mob violence” that has accompanied the unrestdhakatribune.com. Crucially, Amnesty insisted that perpetrators of violence must be held to account in fair trials – not via more violence or draconian laws, but through rule of law – and “without recourse to the death penalty” (rejecting calls for an overly harsh blasphemy law)dhakatribune.com.
The lynching of Dipu Chandra Das stands as a grim warning of what is at stake. “Dipu was not a public figure. He didn’t lead protests or make speeches,” a family friend said. “He worked in a factory, lived quietly, and died because an accusation spread faster than the truth.” His horrific death – beaten, hanged, and burned before a jeering crowd – underscores how fragile communal harmony and the rule of law have become in today’s Bangladesh. When rumors can mobilize hundreds to murder, no one is truly safe.
Unless Bangladesh’s leaders act decisively to reassert the primacy of law over mob rule, the victims will continue to pile up. This means protecting those falsely accused, prosecuting those who incite or commit violence, and resisting the temptation to simply appease extremists with tougher speech laws. As Transparency International Bangladesh cautioned in the wake of the Baul singer attacks, the growing threat of extremism is eroding cultural pluralism and civic spaceeusee.hivos.orgeusee.hivos.org. The soul of the country – its tradition of religious coexistence – is on the line.
Dipu’s cruel fate has seared itself into Bangladesh’s conscience. Whether it serves as a wake-up call for reform, or merely the harbinger of more violence to come, will depend on what the nation does next. For now, minority communities huddle in fear, Facebook rumors swirl in ever more toxic fashion, and the mobs remain emboldened. The clock is ticking to break the cycle, before the next village burns or the next innocent life is taken by those who kill in the name of faith.
Annex: Blasphemy-Related Incidents in Bangladesh (Aug 2024 – Dec 2025)
August 4–20, 2024 | Nationwide: Following the fall of the elected government on August 5, widespread communal violence erupted across 60+ districts. Minority communities – primarily Hindus – were attacked; some episodes were directly triggered by blasphemy rumors about insults to Islam, the Quran, or the Prophet. At least nine Hindu people were killed, hundreds of homes and businesses were looted or burned, and dozens of temples vandalized during this periodaljazeera.com. (Independent investigations later suggested some killings were politically motivated, but the attacks indisputably terrorized minoritiesaljazeera.com.)
September 4, 2024 | Khulna: Hindu college student Utsab Mandal (18) was violently assaulted by a mob inside the Khulna Deputy Commissioner’s office after being accused of an insulting Facebook posthinduvoice.in. In front of police and even army personnel, 3,000–5,000 protesters beat Utsab unconscious. He survived with severe injuries, but upon release from hospital he was arrested under the Cyber Security Act. The mob, which had stormed a government facility, faced no immediate legal actionhinduvoice.inhinduvoice.in.
September 8, 2024 | Jessore: University student Kankan Biswas was accused of blasphemy during a campus debate. Islamist student groups staged protests and demanded his expulsion and arresthinduvoice.in. Kankan, who led a Hindu students’ association, was labeled a “religious provocateur” and threatened, though not physically harmedhinduvoice.in. Under pressure, the university removed him and he went into hiding.
Late September 2024 | Patiya, Chattogram: Partha Biswas (Pintu), a 22-year-old Hindu youth, was arrested by police over allegations he insulted Prophet Muhammad on Facebook. The next day, a large mob – mostly madrasa students – besieged the Patiya police station, demanding Partha be handed over. Rioters even attacked an army vehicle outside (mistaking personnel for trying to whisk the suspect away), injuring a soldierhinduvoice.in. Police refused to release Partha to the mob and eventually dispersed the crowd. Partha was jailed under the cyber law, but no members of the attacking mob were charged at the timehinduvoice.in.
October 8, 2024 | Bagerhat: Sukumar Bagchi, a Hindu college teacher, was suspended from his job over unproven allegations that he made derogatory comments about Islam in class. On October 16, local Muslim students and residents held protests demanding Bagchi’s arresthinduvoice.in. The Army intervened at the scene and promised to detain the teacher immediately – without verifying the claims – as a concession to the protestershinduvoice.in. Bagchi’s case highlighted how institutions capitulated to mob pressure. (He was taken into custody “for investigation”; outcome unknown.)
October 28, 2024 | Faridpur (Boalmari): Hridoy Pal, a Hindu college student, was accused of posting blasphemous content online. He denied it, saying his Facebook account was hacked. Nonetheless, a mob of madrasa students vandalized parts of his college and demanded his public punishmenthinduvoice.in. When army personnel arrived to escort Hridoy out, the mob insisted on vigilante justice. Hridoy was blindfolded and roughed up by security forces themselves during the evacuation – in front of cheering protestershinduvoice.in. Some in the crowd threw stones and shoes at the Army convoy. Videos of the incident went viral, sparking outrage at both the mob and the soldiers’ treatment of the blindfolded studenthinduvoice.in. Hridoy was detained; no attackers were punished.
November 11, 2024 | Jessore (Bagharpara): Islamist groups held a demonstration in Sadipur village demanding the arrest and public execution of a Hindu youth named Bandhan over an alleged blasphemous post. The rally featured inflammatory chants and threats, though no immediate violence. It exemplified the growing trend of openly calling for vigilante killings of minority individuals based on unverified social media rumorshinduvoice.inhinduvoice.in.
Nov 18, 2024 | Sunamganj: Akash Singha (or Das), a Hindu teenager from Dowarabazar Upazila, was arrested on allegations of posting an insulting comment about Islam. Even after police took him into custody, mobs of hundreds attacked Monglargaon village on Dec 3–4, 2024 (see below) in retribution, looting and burning Hindu homes and temples.
December 3–4, 2024 | Dowarabazar, Sunamganj: Following an online blasphemy accusation against a Hindu youth (as above), mobs attacked Hindu neighborhoods in Monglargaon village over two nights. At least 40 houses, one large temple, two family shrines, and four shops were vandalized or burned, according to local journaliststhedailystar.netthedailystar.net. Families fled; some hid in the forest or by the river all night. One Hindu temple’s icons were smashed and its interiors lootedaljazeera.com. Despite the large-scale arson, initial police and army response was slow. (Days later, authorities reportedly arrested four suspectsdhakatribune.com, but fear still grips the communitythedailystar.net.)
January 1, 2025 | Chattogram (Patenga/Lalkhan Bazar): Pranta Talukder, a Hindu man, was abducted by a Muslim mob and tortured over an alleged anti-Islam Facebook post. Police rescued him in critical condition; however, Pranta was then treated as the accused and detained under the Digital Security Act. No members of the mob that nearly killed him were arrested at the time. Community members decried that Pranta went from victim to defendant, highlighting the system’s bias.
Feb 13, 2025 | Narayanganj (Fatullah): Sohel Hasan Galib, a poet and high-school instructor, was arrested for allegedly writing a satirical poem about the Prophet Muhammad in his book “Amar Khutba Guli” (“My Sermons”). The book had been published months earlier. Islamists accused Galib of blasphemy based on select lines. He was detained and charged under cyber and religious offense laws. Galib, who worked at the National Academy for Educational Management, was also suspended from his job following the arrest. His case is one of the few involving a Muslim intellectual prosecuted for blasphemy in this period.
Feb 2025 (exact date not confirmed) | Netrakona (Kalmakanda): Supto Saha Anik, a Hindu youth, became the target of mass protests in his town after a heated social media exchange led to allegations that he insulted Islam. Hundreds of locals, incited by religious hardliners, rallied and demanded Supto’s arrest. Facing threats, Supto went into hiding. It remains unclear if police formally charged him; as of mid-2025, community members reported he had not returned home.
March 16, 2025 | Pabna (PUST – Pabna Univ. of Science & Tech): Two Hindu students, Pranay Kundu and Bikarna Das Dibya, were expelled from PUST after being accused of posting comments insulting Islam during an online debate. Islamist student groups on campus held rowdy demonstrations and pressured the administration into taking action without a formal inquiry. The university promptly rusticated both students to placate the protesters. No legal charges were reported, but the incident shows how academic institutions capitulated to mob demands.
April 2025 | Dinajpur: Sobuj Das, a Hindu shopkeeper, was accused of derogatory comments about Islam on Facebook. As word spread, local Islamist organizations launched a coordinated social and economic boycott of Sobuj and his family. Crowds harassed customers to avoid his shop; threatening posters appeared in the market. Within days, Sobuj’s family was forced to flee the area under police advice, leaving their home and business behind. Community leaders later admitted there was no proof Sobuj himself made the post (it was from an ID in his name). Nonetheless, no action was taken against those enforcing the boycott.
April 2025 | Tangail: Akhil Chandra Mondal, a 40-year-old Hindu man, was brutally beaten by a mob in Tangail after rumors spread that he had insulted Islam (reportedly by an offhand remark). On a Sunday in April, dozens of men cornered Akhil and assaulted him with sticks and rodsritamdigital.com. He sustained grave injuries before police intervened. Despite the clear instance of attempted lynching, officers did not detain any of the attackers once the crowd dispersed. Akhil was hospitalized. (Notably, this case was highlighted by some international outlets as part of the “atrocities on Hindus” continuing unabatedritamdigital.com.)
May 16, 2025 | Moulvibazar: Bikash Dhar Deepta, a Hindu youth, surrendered himself to an Army camp seeking protection after a Facebook post (allegedly by him) criticizing Islam went viral in his area. He feared mob violence. Bikash was promptly handed over to police and arrested under the Digital Security Act/Cyber Security Act for “hurting religious sentiment.” He was denied bail and remained jailed. Locals say his actual safety was ensured by incarceration, as mobs had been searching for him. Bikash’s family relocated out of fear.
June 16–17, 2025 | Parbatipur, Dinajpur: Sohag Das, a Hindu man, was accused of merely “liking” an anti-Islam social media post. This trivial online action sparked outrage; over two days, Islamist activists held rallies in Parbatipur loudly demanding Sohag be executed for blasphemy. Protesters marched with banners calling Sohag an enemy of Islam. Anticipating violence, dozens of Hindu families shut their homes and fled the area temporarily. Police did file a blasphemy case and took Sohag into protective custody, but at least 10 Hindu shops were attacked in the bazaar during the unrest (reported by local sources). No protest leaders were arrested.
June 22, 2025 | Lalmonirhat: In a village in Lalmonirhat, an argument at a barbershop led to false rumors that the barber, Paresh Chandra Shil, had defiled the Quran. A mob swiftly formed and publicly beat Paresh and his son Bishnu in the street, as onlookers recorded video. Both men (Hindu by faith) suffered injuries. When police arrived, shockingly, they arrested the victims – Paresh and Bishnu – under blasphemy-related charges, ostensibly for their own safety. The real culprits – the assailants – were not detained that day. Following the incident, local Islamist hardliners held rallies demanding Paresh and his son face the death penalty if guilty. The case drew national attention as an egregious example of victim-blaming by authorities.
July 26–27, 2025 | Gangachara, Rangpur: In Aldadpur village, an incident illustrates collective punishment: After a Hindu high school student was arrested on blasphemy allegations (for a social media post), mobs of his Muslim neighbors went on a rampage. Over two nights, at least 18 Hindu homes were vandalized and looted by crowds in the village. Frightened families – including women and children – fled into the paddy fields and spent nights hiding. Although police were aware of brewing tensions, they failed to protect the minority enclave. In the end, not a single rioter was immediately arrested, according to local news, whereas the teenage suspect remained in detention.
Aug 9, 2025 | Sitakunda, Chattogram: Bijoy Debnath, a Hindu teenage boy, was beaten by self-styled “Tawhidi Janata” activists after he posted a harmless birthday wish on Facebook to exiled atheist blogger Asad Noor. The Islamist group interpreted Bijoy’s admiration for an atheist as blasphemy. They tracked him down and assaulted him. When police intervened, they again detained Bijoy – charging him under blasphemy and cyber laws – rather than any of the attackers. Bijoy, bruised and bewildered, was taken to jail. His family has since gone silent, fearing further attacks, while the assailants boasted on social media about defending Islam.
Oct 2, 2025 | Satkhira: A Muslim man named Sohag (alias) was accused of desecrating the Quran in a village in Satkhira. Enraged locals formed a mob that assaulted Sohag – some reports say he was beaten unconscious – for allegedly defiling a Quran at a local mosque. Police eventually rescued the man and took him into custody. He was promptly arrested under blasphemy laws (likely Section 295A of the Penal Code or the Cyber Security Act) for “hurting religious sentiment.” None of the mob attackers were charged that daythefinancialexpress.com.bd. The Superintendent of Police later told media that they had to arrest the victim “for his own protection as well,” a rationale met with outrage by rights advocates.
Oct 4–5, 2025 | Dhaka (Bashundhara, NSU): Apurbo Pal, a 22-year-old student of North South University, allegedly desecrated a Quran on campus – an act caught in videos that circulated onlinetbsnews.nettbsnews.net. (Apurbo, who had converted from Hinduism to Islam, reportedly suffers mental health issuestbsnews.net.) The incident sparked fury: a mob of fellow students and outsiders attacked Apurbo at his residence in the early hours of Oct 5. As police escorted him out, the mob beat him severely, requiring additional forces to intervenetbsnews.nettbsnews.net. Later that day, Apurbo was produced in court and denied bail; NSU authorities announced they had permanently expelled him for “hurting religious sentiments”tbsnews.net. He was sent to jail and also faced charges under Section 295Atbsnews.nettbsnews.net. Videos of the assault and arrest stirred debate – many sympathized with angry students, while others pointed out Apurbo’s fragile mental state. It became a high-profile case of mob pressure leading to swift institutional action.
Oct 6, 2025 | Mymensingh: Shamim Ashraf, a 38-year-old poet, cultural activist, and graphic designer, was arrested at his home in Mymensingh city on allegations of making derogatory Facebook comments about Islamic concepts (reportedly a sarcastic remark about “heaven”). Earlier that day, a series of provocative posts on a Facebook profile bearing Shamim’s name drew anger onlinebdnews24.com. As criticism mounted, Shamim posted an apology, saying “Please view my comment with leniency”bdnews24.com. Nonetheless, that evening plainclothes police detained him. He was charged under the Cyber Security Act for “hurting religious sentiment”bdnews24.com. The local Detective Branch also raided his small printing press for evidencebdnews24.com. Shamim’s arrest came just a day after Apurbo Pal’s, reflecting an ongoing crackdown. A court quickly granted police a remand to interrogate Shamimen.prothomalo.com. Observers noted that Shamim, known for civic activism, might have been targeted to set an example. He remains in custody awaiting trial.
Oct 6, 2025 | Satkhira (Debhata Upazila): Only days after the Oct 2 Satkhira incident, a separate blasphemy accusation surfaced in Debhata, Satkhira. Another young Muslim man (also referred to as Sohag in some reports) allegedly posted an insult to the Quran on Facebook. Local residents, upon seeing the post, erupted in anger and beat the youth severely. Police arrived to rescue him from the mob’s clutches. Like the prior case, officers then arrested the injured youth under cybercrime laws for the offending post. The Debhata police confirmed a case was filed and that they would investigate the authenticity of the Facebook post. Meanwhile, none of the villagers who assaulted the youth were immediately held. (It is unclear if this incident is distinct or a continuation of the Oct 2 case; however, it underscores recurrent mob actions in Satkhira.)
Nov 20, 2025 | Manikganj: Renowned Baul folk singer Abul Sarkar (50s) was arrested by Detective Branch police on charges of blasphemy. Islamic preachers in Ghior, Manikganj alleged that during a pala gaan (folk song duel) on Nov 4 at a local fair, Abul made “objectionable remarks” about Allah and creationen.prothomalo.comen.prothomalo.com. After videos of his performance spread online, Islamist groups filed a case accusing him of insulting Islam and inciting communal unresten.prothomalo.com. On Nov 20, Abul was detained at a musical event in a different district and brought back to Manikganj; by Nov 21, he was produced in court and denied bailen.prothomalo.comen.prothomalo.com. The judge sent him to jail pending trialen.prothomalo.com. Outside the courthouse, Islamist activists under the banner of “Alems-Ulama and Tawhidi Janata” rallied demanding strict punishment for Abulen.prothomalo.com. The Baul community has decried that his remarks were misconstrued – he had posed a theological question to a rival singer, they say, but clips were edited to appear blasphemousen.prothomalo.comen.prothomalo.com. Prominent citizens (258 of them) signed a public statement calling for Abul’s release and warning that bigotry was threatening cultural freedombdnews24.com. The case remains ongoing, seen as a bellwether for artistic expression in Bangladesh.
Nov 23, 2025 | Manikganj: Two days after Abul Sarkar’s arrest, his supporters (fellow Baul artists and fans) held a peaceful protest (human chain) in Manikganj town demanding his releaseeusee.hivos.org. Mid-morning near the local stadium, a group of counter-protesters armed with sticks – self-identifying as “Tawhidi Janata” – launched a sudden violent attack on the Baul rallyeusee.hivos.org. At least three Baul artists were injured, suffering head wounds that required stitcheseusee.hivos.org. Dramatic video footage showed Baul devotees fleeing and jumping into a pond to escape beatings, as attackers chased them and chanted slogans vowing to root out “heretics”eusee.hivos.org. Witnesses say police at the scene hung back and were “reluctant to intervene” until the violence had escalated badlyeusee.hivos.org. Eventually police dispersed the attackers. One injured Baul filed a case at the Sadar Police Station naming unidentified assailantseusee.hivos.org. The incident highlighted rising anti-Baul intolerance. It drew condemnation from civil society; Transparency International Bangladesh and other groups blasted both the arrest and the mob attack, noting the selective enforcement (arresting a folk singer for expression, but failing to stop extremists’ violence)eusee.hivos.orgeusee.hivos.org.
Nov 30, 2025 | Dhaka: A writ petition was filed in the High Court seeking to introduce the death penalty (or harsher punishment) for “blasphemy” in Bangladesh law. Supreme Court lawyer Md. Golam Kibria submitted the petition, arguing that the existing maximum 2-year jail term for hurting religious sentiment (under Penal Code 295A or the new Cyber Security Act) is too lenientjagonews24.comjagonews24.com. The petition, prompted by recent incidents, cited the blasphemy laws of neighboring countries and rising instances of insults to religion. On Dec 2, a High Court bench issued a rule asking the government to explain why it shouldn’t amend laws to ensure “reasonable punishment” for such offensesjagonews24.com. Kibria openly stated they seek the highest possible penalty so that “no one dares” insult religion in the futurejagonews24.comjagonews24.com. The move has been controversial – minority communities fear it could further encourage abuse of blasphemy accusations against them, while rights groups warn it panders to extremistshrwf.eu. (As of Dec 2025, the matter is pending government response; no law has yet been changed.)
Dec 7, 2025 | Dhaka: Shishir Manir, a senior lawyer and Jamaat-e-Islami-backed candidate for Parliament (Sunamganj-2 seat), was sued for blasphemy in a Dhaka court over comments in a campaign video. In the video (posted to YouTube channel “DSN”), Shishir remarked that “Roza (Islamic fasting) and Puja (Hindu worship) are two sides of the same coin”prothomalo.com – apparently trying to draw a parallel between the practices. An advocate named Ridwan Hossain Robin filed a case accusing Shishir of hurting religious sentiment and intentionally offending Muslims for political gainprothomalo.comprothomalo.com. On Dec 7, the Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate’s court took cognizance: it recorded the complainant’s statement and ordered Dhaka’s Detective Branch (DB) to investigate the allegation, with a report due by Jan 27, 2026prothomalo.com. If DB finds substance, the court may summon Shishir to face chargesprothomalo.com. Shishir Monir, in a press release, said the case was politically motivated by opponents and that his words were misconstruedprothomalo.com. Notably, the plaintiff and witnesses were fellow lawyers reportedly affiliated with the ruling partyprothomalo.com. The incident shows how blasphemy laws are being pulled into election politics. This is the first known blasphemy-related case involving a prominent Jamaat politician, indicating the issue’s reach beyond just grassroots incidents.
Dec 18, 2025 | Bhaluka, Mymensingh: Dipu Chandra Das, a 27-year-old Hindu factory worker, was beaten to death and lynched by a mob, as detailed in this report’s introduction. He was accused by local rumor of making an anti-Islam comment. Within hours, a mob gathered, dragged him out, and lynched him on the street – they then hung his body from a tree and set it on fire. The gruesome murder was captured on video and livestreamed on Facebook. Public outrage ensued. For one of the few times, the authorities acted swiftly: by Dec 20, the Rapid Action Battalion arrested seven suspects for Dipu’s killingndtv.com, and the interim government vowed to bring all perpetrators to justicendtv.comndtv.com. Dipu’s lynching, occurring amid nationwide unrest over a student leader’s death, became a national scandal and a tragic watershed moment illustrating the lethal extremes of vigilante “blasphemy” violence.
